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Namo tassa Bhagavato Arahato Sammāsambuddhassa INDEX INTRODUCTION 1.  The language  Palm-leaf manuscripts LESSON I 20.  Declension of Nouns Ending in -a; nominative and accusative cases  Conjugation of Verbs - Present Tense Active Voice 3rd person LESSON II 25.  Declension of Nouns Ending in -a; instrumental and dative cases  Conjugation of Verbs - Present Tense Active Voice 2nd person LESSON III 30.  Declension of Nouns Ending in -a; ablative and genitive cases  Conjugation of Verbs - Present Tense Active Voice 1st person LESSON IV 35.  Declension of Nouns Ending in -a; locative and vocative cases  Conjugation of Verbs - Present Tense Active Voice (full) LESSON V 40.  Full Declension of Nouns Ending in -a; Masculine & Neuter LESSON VI 44.  Declension of Nouns Ending in -ā  Infinitive LESSON VII 48.  Aorist (general past tense) - Active Voice  Special forms āha and āhu  Personal Pronouns - Genitive (Possessive) Form LESSON VIII 54.  Declension of Nouns Ending in -i; Masculine & Neuter  The Gerund with Past Participle LESSON IX 58.  Feminine Nouns Ending in -i  Future Tense  Conditional Tense LESSON X 62.  Nouns Ending in -ī  The Formation of Feminines LESSON XI 66.  Nouns Ending in -u and -ū  Imperative/Benedictive Tense LESSON XII 72.  Personal Pronouns - 1st and 2nd Person  Optative Tense LESSON XIII 76.  Relative Pronouns & 3rd Person Personal Pronouns  The Interrogative Pronoun LESSON XIV 81.  Participles LESSON XV 86.  Demonstrative Pronouns  Adjectives LESSON XVI 94.  Cardinal Numerals  Ordinal Numerals  Counting with sataṃ LESSON XVII 99.  The consonantal noun declension, nouns ending in -n  Attan as a reflexive  The seven conjugation classes of verbs LESSON XVIII 103.  The consonantal noun declension - nouns ending in -r  Causal Forms LESSON XIX 107.  The consonantal noun declension - nouns ending in -s  Declension of nouns with diphthongic stem  Imperfect Tense  Perfect Tense LESSON XX 111.  Compound Words  The Word ubho LESSON XXI 116.  Indeclinables LESSON XXII 122.  Nominal Derivatives LESSON XXIII 127.  Verbal Derivatives LESSON XXIV 132.  Rules of Sandhi (Combination) LESSON XXV 137.  Uses of the Cases  The Genitive and Locative Absolutes LESSON XXVI 148.  Passive Voice  Middle Voice  The verb “to be” Selections for Translation 151. Answer keys 164. Pāḷi verb lists 300. Noun declination tables (including all possible endings for each case) 304. Relations between Pāḷi and Sanskrit 306. Vocabulary Pāḷi - English 312. Vocabulary English - Pāḷi 319. Pāḷi grammatical terms 326. Scripts used for writing Pāḷi 329. - Abugida Scripts 331. - Brahmic Scripts 332. - Brāhmī 333. - Devanāgarī 339. - Sinhalese 356. - Thai 372. - Burmese 386. - Khmer 400. - Tham 417. - Lao 417. - Ariyaka 419. Comparative Table of the Scripts 422. Bibliography 424. Materials for further study - Useful websites 426. Introduction The Middle Indo Aryan dialect originally derived from the Sanskrit language which is found in the Pāḷi Canon of the Theravāda Buddhists and is usually called “Pāḷi” is nowhere so called in the Theravāda Canon. The word “Pāḷi” is found in the Sinhalese chronicles and the commentaries upon the canon which were written many centuries after by the monk Buddhaghosa (5th century AD), but there it has the meaning “canon” and is used in the sense of a canonical text or phrase as opposed to the commentary (atthakathā) upon it. Even up to the 6th or 7th century AD, the term Pāḷi does not appear as a name for any kind of language. Even if we look into the Cūlavaṃsa forming a later supplement to the Mahavaṃsa (the Great Chronicle of Ceylon) we find that the term Pāḷi is used in it clearly in the sense of original Buddhist texts, the texts of the canon as taken apart from the commentaries, so the earliest issue of the term Pāḷi can be thus traced back to the commentaries of Buddhaghosa and not in any earlier Buddhist writings. It is again in the commentaries that the term Pāḷi was regarded as a synonym for Buddhavacana (word of the Buddha) and Tipiṭaka, among others. The transition from Pāḷi meaning “canonical text” to Pāḷi as a proper name for the language took place by a natural process. It would seem that the word “Pāḷi” being considered as the name for the language is based upon a misunderstanding of the compound “Pāḷibhāsā” (language of the canon), where the word Pāḷi was thought to stand for the name of a particular language, as a result of which the word was applied to the language of both the canon and the commentaries, following the misleading assumption that the word “Pāḷibhāsā” had the meaning of “language of Pāḷi”. There is evidence that this misunderstanding took place several centuries ago. Benjamin Clough (1791-1853) was the first westerner to officially adopt the word “Pāḷi” when he published his compendium of grammar in 1824. Burnouf and Lassen also used the name “Pāḷi” in their essay on Pāḷi grammar which was published in 1826, but in the survey of Pāḷi studies up to that year included in that work Burnouf pointed out that the first person to mention Pāḷi was Simon de la Loubière who visited Siam in 1687, and published a description of the kingdom of Siam in 1691, which was translated into English in 1693. It is clear from this account that in Thailand in the late 17th century the name “Pāḷi” was already being used for the language of the Theravāda texts. La Loubière noted that in contrast to Thai, which was a monosyllabic language, “Balie” (or “Baly”) was inflected just like the languages of Europe. He also drew attention to the fact that the names for the days of the week were similar in Pāḷi and Sanskrit, and reported that he had been told that there were similarities between Pāḷi and the languages spoken near Coromandel (the southeastern coast region of the Indian Subcontinent, between the Eastern Ghats and the Bay of Bengal of the Indian Ocean). The Sasanavaṃsa, written in Burma in 1861, uses the word Pāḷi in a context where it seems to be the name of a language. Since the Sasanavaṃsa is based upon an earlier Burmese text, the usage of the name “Pāḷi” in Burma is probably earlier than would appear. It seems unlikely that the usage arose independently in all three countries, but in the present state of our knowledge it does not seem possible to determine where the misunderstanding first occurred. A widespread assumption states that the language spoken by the Buddha was actually Māgadhī. What we know of Māgadhī as described by the grammarians in later times, however, enables us to say that Pāḷi is not Māgadhī, and although we have no direct evidence about the characteristics of Māgadhī in the centuries before Aśoka, we can deduce with some certainty that Pāḷi does not agree with that either. It would seem likely that, because the texts tell about the Buddha frequently preaching in the kingdom of Magadha (although none of the scenes of the great events in his life was situated within the boundaries of Magadha as we know it in historical times), the tradition arose that all his sermons were preached in the dialect of that region of North India. It is also possible that the prestige attaching to Magadha, and by implication to Māgadhī, during the time of the Mauryan kings, and also the way in which the Māgadhī of the original Aśokan edicts was everywhere in India “translated” into the local dialect or language, led to the adoption by the Buddhists, at about the time of the council which the Theravāda tradition reports was held during the reign of Aśoka, of the 1 idea that their “ruler” too employed such a language. Although there is some doubt about the interpretation of the phrase the Buddha used when asked if it was permissible to translate his sermons, it is generally agreed that he did not preach in Sanskrit, but employed the dialect or language of the area where he was preaching. We must assume that his sermons and utterances were remembered by his followers and his audiences as they heard them. In the course of time, during his lifetime and after his death, collections must have been made of his words, and translations or redactions of these must have been made as the need arose, either because the collections were being taken into an area where a different dialect or language was spoken, or because as time went by his words became less intelligible as their language became more archaic. The Theravāda tradition tells of councils being held to recite the canon, of which the third was held in the time of Aśoka, and although the discrepancies with the Northern tradition cast doubt upon this, there must have been gatherings of some sort where recitations took place, and the “imprimatur” of the Saṅgha was bestowed. Such councils would inevitably have led to a normalization of the language of the canon to a greater or less extent. Since this normalized language was an “ecclesiastical” one, being recited by monks who probably spoke a variety of languages or dialects, there is no necessity to assume that it coincided exactly with any one particular spoken language. The tradition recorded in the Sinhalese chronicles states that the Theravāda canon was written down on palm leaves during the first century BC as a result of threats to the Saṅgha from famine, war, and various political circumstances. Like the Vedic texts, early Buddhist literature was composed during a period of pure orality in India, before script was introduced during the reign of Aśoka. This early oral tradition went on for centuries after the Buddha’s death, and has left obvious traces in the written literature, particularly in the numerous formulas typical of oral composition which were used to facilitate memorization and the steady repetition of entire paragraphs as a repetitive introduction in order to point out each detail of the idea being conveyed. The original oral character of the teaching is the reason why the Pāḷi suttas always begin with the formula evaṃ me sutaṃ, that is: ”thus have I heard”. All in all, it is safe to assume that the language known as Pāḷi was created artificially, probably not on purpose, but rather as monks and nuns from different parts of India came into contact with each other and were forced to adapt their vernaculars to new environments in order to understand and be understood. The existence of at least 35 works on Pāḷi grammar only in Sri Lanka shows the great attention having been paid to the language. The antiquity of Pāḷi, its refinement, its verbal and grammatical simplicity and its relationship with the oldest language of the Brahmins - the vedic Sanskrit - proves it to be a dialect of high class. The decline of Pāḷi in Asia was co-existent with the decline of the religion taught through its medium. But even though Pāḷi, as an artificial language, was never actually a natural language spoken in any part of India, it was by no means a dead language. Changes in the phonetic shape of Pāḷi, most likely introduced by Buddhist grammarians at various times, can be observed, although dating them is problematic. None of the changes were far-reaching, although they seem to have continued well into the sixteenth century, if not later. Having originally been a language for conveying ideas by listening and giving forth only by means of spoken word, Pāḷi never had a writing system of its own, as neither had Sanskrit back then, by the way, for the Vedas were considered too sacred to be written down, being thus transmitted only by spoken word. Later on, however, Pāḷi began being written in many different scripts. When Buddhism spread to other parts of the world outside India, local people used either original Indian scripts such as Brāhmī, or switched to their own local scripts. So in Sri Lanka, Pāḷi is written in the Sinhalese script, in Myanmar in the Burmese script, in Thailand in the Thai script (in this country in particular having originally been written in Khom and Tham scripts), in Laos in the Tham script and in Cambodia in the Khmer script. Finally, when Western scholars started to learn about Buddhism, they began using Latin characters to write the Pāḷi language. The following 10 pages show the first pages of Benjamin Clough’s Pāḷi grammar, the first of its kind compiled by a westerner. 2

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from the Latin ablatus, the (irregular) perfect passive participle of auferre “to carry away”. The process denoted by the ablative case may be physical In order to properly understand a text in Pāḷi, one has to properly master the case system employed in this language. This is especially im
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