University of Groningen The new Left in the Netherlands 1960-1977 Lucardie, Anthonie

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University of Groningen

The new Left in the Netherlands 1960-1977
Lucardie, Anthonie Paul Marius
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Lucardie, A. P. M. (1980). The new Left in the Netherlands 1960-1977: A critical study of new political ideas
and groups on the Left in the Netherlands with comparative references to France and West Germany.
[Thesis fully external, Queen's University ]. Queen's University .
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f
THE NEW LEFT IN TEE NETHERLANDS (1960-1977)
A Critica1 Study of New Political Ideas and
Groups on the Left in The Netherlands with
Cornparative References to France and Gerrnany
by
Anthonie Pau1 Marius Lucardie
A thesis subrnitted to the Department of Political
Studies in conforrnity with the requirernents for
the degree of Doctor of Phi1osophy
Queen's University
Kingston, Ontario, Canada
March 1980
copyright @ Anthonie Pau1 narius L,cardie, 1980
ABSTRACT
This study deals wi th four grour,s that seemed typical
of the Dutch New Left in its originality as weIl as its
continuity with the Dast: the Pacifist Socialist Party,
which renewed the old tradition of Revolutionary Socialism;
Provo, which revived a form of Anarchism; Nieuw Links (IINew
Lef til) in the Labour Party which combined Social Democratie
ideas with others; and the Political Party of Radicals, which
recreated a Christian Left in a secular spirit. These brouPS
shared some basic ideas, concerning democratisation of society,
a strategy of direct action at the grass roots combined with
legislative action, and a cultural revolution. They were
of ten inspired by similar groups in France and Germanysuch
as the Part i Socialiste Unifié (United Socialist Party) and
the Sozialistische Deutsche Studentenbund (Socialist Germun
Student League). The projects of all these groups suffered
from certain ambiguities and specifically from a certain
tension between elitism and populism. These ambiguities could
be attributed to the new petty bourgeois class base of the
New Left. However, the New Left was more than a new petty
bourgeois ideology; it could also be seen as a response to
real political issues and as a result of a long-term seculari
sation process.
ii
ACKNOWLEDGEMEN'rs
Since the topic of this thesis has interested me for at
least ten years, reference to all the people who inspired or
assisted me would possibly become as long as the thesis
itself. Hence I will mention only the most important and
the most recent contributors.
In the first place 1 would like to thank the faculty
members of the Department of Political Studies of Queenls
University who advised me, specifically my supervisor Professor
Colin Leys, Professor Phil Goldman, Professor Hugh Thorburn
and Professor Grant Amyot. I also received useful advice
from Professor Ger Harmsen and Professor Joop Ellemers of
the University of Groningen, and from Professor Hans Daudt,
Professor Lucas van der Land and Dr. Rob Kroes of the University
of Amsterdam. Of course, I was also helped by more informal
discussions with fellow graduate students at Queen's University,
but I will thank them in a more informal way.
In the second place 1 would like to thank all the people
who allowed me an interview in the Netherlands, France and
Germany: Mr. M.ax van den Berg, rlIr. Jean Capdevielle, Professor
Bas De Gaay Fortman, Professor J. de Graaf, Professor Iring
Fetscher, Mr. François Gibert, Mr. Wouter Gortzak,
Profe~sor
Georges Lavau, Professor Bram Peper, Mr. Bart Tromp, Professor
Hans van den Doel, Mr. A.G. van der Spek, Dr. Dik van Kleef
and 111r. Teun-Jan Zanen.
In the third place 1 th ank my friends Rob Walker for
iii
assistance in correcting and Susan Gordon for typing the final
draft; their help was not only valuable but even vital, as
weIl as difficult because of the geographical distance
between us.
Finally I feel obliged to the many people who helped me
in the libraries I consulted, especially at the Institute of
Political Science of the University of Amsterdam and the
International Institute for Social History in Amsterdam.
Naturally none of these people can be held responsible
for the arguments--or lack of arguments--ol the thesis.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABSTRAC T .•••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••..• i i
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••.••..• iii
. . . . . . . . .. . . . . .. . . .. . . . . . . .. .. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
INTRODUCTION 1
Chapter
1 THE OLD LEFT IN THE NETHERLANDS (1870-1960) •••.••• 17
1.1 Dutch Society and Polities (1870-1960) ••••• 19
1.2 The Revolutionary Socialist Left ••••••.•.•• 31
1.3 The Anarchist Left ••••••••••••••••••••••••• 49
1.4 The Social Democratie Left •••••••.•••••.••. 58
1.5 The Christian Left ••••••.•••••••••••••••••. 70
1.6 Conclusion................................. 75
2 THE NEW LEFT IN THE NETHERLANDS (1960-1977) •.••••• 78
2.1 Dutch Society and Polities (1960-1977) ••••• 81
2.2 The Revolutionary Socialist New Left:
the Pacifist Socialist Party ••••••••••••• 94
2.3 The Anarchist New Left: Provos and
Kabouters •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 123
2.4 The Social Democratie New Left: Nieuw
Links in the Labour Party •••••••••••••••• 140
2.5 The Christian New Left: the Political
Party of Radicals •••••••••••••••••••••••. 169
2.6 Conclusion •••.••••••••••••••••••••••••••••. 182
3 COMPARATIVE CQrt.MENTS ON THE NEW LEFT IN FRANCE
AND GERfVlANY ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 189
3.1 The New Left in France ••••••••••••••••••••. 191
3.2 'rhe New Left in Germany •••••••••••••••••••• 215
3.3 Conclusion ••••.•••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 230
4 A THEORETICAL RECONSTRUC TION OF THE NEW LEFT
PROJECT ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••. 236
.
4.1 The Project of the Revolutionary Socialist
New Left: Revolutionary Reformism and
Counterpowers ••••••••.••••.••.••••••••••• 240
4.1.1 The Pacifist Socialist Project •••. 240
4.1.2 The Theory of Serge Mallet: The
New Working Class ••••••••••••••• 247
4.1.3 The Theory of André Gorz:
Revolutionary Reformism •••••••.. 251
4.1.4 The Theory of Hans-Jûrgen Krah1:
The Total Worker •••.•••••••••..• 255
v
Chapter
4.1.5 The Theory of Oskar Negt: The
Proletarian PUblic Sphere ••••.•. 257
4.1.6 Conclusion ••••••••••••••.•.••.•••• 260
4.2 The Project of the Anarchist New Left:
Provocation from the Periphery ••.•••••••• 261
4.2.1 The Project of Provo ••••••.•••.••• 262
4.2.2 The Project of the Kabouters •••••• 267
4.2.3 The Situationist Project •...•••••• 268
4.2.4 The Subversive Action Project .•••• 273
4.2.5 The Project of Socialisme ou
r3arbarie ........................ 277
4.2.6 Conclusion .••••••••..•••••.•.•.••• 279
4.3 The Project of the Social Democratie New
Left: Democratisation from Inside .••••.• 280
4.3.1 Neo-Marxist Reformism in the Dutch
Labour Party ......•............. 281
4.3.2 Neo-Fabian Reformism in the Dutch
Labour Party .................... 285
4.3.3 Neo-Marxists in the French
Socialist Party: CERES ••.•••••• 292
4.3.4 The Frankfurt School and the Youn6
Socialists in Germany •••••.•.••• 300
4.3.5 Neo-Fabianism in the French
Socialist Party: Alain
Touraine •••.•••••••.••.•.••••..• 307
4.3.6 Conclusion ••••.•••••••••••••....•. 312
4.4 The Project of the Christian New Left:
Radical Pluralism ••••••••••.•.•••••.••••. 313
4.5 Cone lusion ................................. 319
5 A CRITICAL EVALUATION ........•.....•.....•.....•.•. 330
5.1 Hevolutionary Heformism: a Contraaiction
in 'rerms? ••...•..•••.....•••••••....•...• 332
5.2 The Impatient Iaealism of the Anarchist
New Le ft ..•..••.•.••....•.••••.•...•.•..• 346
5.3 The SociEcl Deillocra tic Ne\\' Left: TaiünG
Small Ster;s \"Ji thout Knowing ':Jhere You
Are Goins~ •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 35!::1
5.3.1 Neo-J·larxist Reformism:
~Iflall
Steps On the Roàd To Santia~o? •. 360
5.3.2 Neo-Fabian Reformism: Small Steps
To Save Rome? ••••••••••••••••••. 375
5.3.3 Conclusion •••••••••••••••••••.•••• 385
5.4 Radieal Pluralism: Small Steps In All
Different Directions ••••••••••••••••••••• 386
5.5 Conclusion ................................. 396
6 CONCLUSION: TO\'JARDS A TEN'rATIVE EXPLANATION •••••• 400
APPENDIX I: LIST OF DUTCH ABBREVIATIONS ••••••••••••••• 422
vi
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VITA
INTRODUCTION
The New Left is dead, people say. It had lived for only
10 or 15 years, perhaps somewhere between 1960 and 1975. It
died of an infantile disease. Or perhaps it never really
lived, but only haunted the minds of old left bureaucrats
and right-wing capitalists. It is time for historians and
social scientists to try to understand this strange phenomenon.
The New Left appears to have had the greatest impact in
the United states of America. At least, American scholars
have written searching and possibly definitive studies on
l
the American New Left. In Europe only the French and to
some extent the German and Italian New Left have attracted
2
sufficient scholarly attention. The New Left in smaller
countries has been virtually neglected, at least by English-
wr1ting scholars. In some of the smaller countries it may
have played a neglig1ble role, but in others the neglect can
only be attributed to linguistic barriers or a scarcity of
scholarly resources. The Netherlands fall into the second
1
For instance, 1. Unger, The Movement, a History of the
American New Left, 1959-1972 (New York, 1974); a more jour
nalistic but serious and detailed study is K. Sale, SDS (New
York, 1973); for an analysis of the ideas of the American
New Left see L. Sargent, New Left Thought (Homewood, 111.,
1972).
2This is an impressionistic judgment, which applies only
to pub1ications in English, French, German and Dutch.
1