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The Soviet Union and the Nordic Nuclear-Weapons-Free-Zone Proposal PDF

239 Pages·1988·23.535 MB·English
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THE SOVIET UNION AND THE NORDIC NUCLEAR-WEAPONS-FREE-ZONE PROPOSAL Northern Europe r.:-:-:":":1NATO 1:.:.:.:.:.:.3 lf]lr&l Warsaw Pact The Soviet Union and the Nordic Nuclear Weapons-Free-Zone Proposal Ingemar Lindahl Ana(yst, Swedish National Defense Research Agenry, Stockholm Foreword by Vojtech Mastny Professor of Politics, Boston Universiry M MACMILLAN PRESS ©Ingemar Lindahl 1988 Foreword© Vojtech Mastny 1988 Softcover reprint ofthe hardcover 1st edition 1988 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright Act 1956 (as amended), or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 33-4 Alfred Place, London WCIE 7DP. Any person who docs any unauthorised act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. First published 1988 Published by THE MACMILLAN PRESS LTD Houndmills, Basingstokc, Hampshire RG21 2XS and London Companies and representatives throughout the world British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Lindahl, N. Ingemar. The Soviet Union and the Nordic nuclear weapons-free-zone proposal. I. Nuclear weapon-free-zones-Scandinavia 2. Scandinavia-Foreign relations-Soviet Union 3. Soviet Union-Foreign relations -Scandinavia I. Title 363.3'5 JXI974.74.S34 ISBN 978-1-349-09322-9 ISBN 978-1-349-09320-5 (eBook) DOI 10.1007/978-1-349-09320-5 To Dr and Mrs Douglas Lindahl Contents Foreword by Vojtech Mastny x Acknowledgements xi A Note on Terminology xn 1 Introduction: Two Political Cultures 1 1.1 The Nordic Nuclear-Weapons-Free-Zone Proposal 1 1.2 Two Cultures 2 1.3 Scandinavian Escapism and its Restraints 5 1.4 The Other Culture: Soviet Power Politics 8 1.5 Nuclear Arms and Moral Responsibility 11 2 The Soviet Union and the Post-war Security Pattern in Scandinavia 14 2.1 The Soviet Posture in the Nordic Area after the Second World War 14 2.2 Scandinavia in between East and West 18 2.3 The Nordic Balance - Static or Dynamic? 23 2.4 The Soviet Union and the Nordic Balance 28 3 The Soviet Union and Scandinavian Neutrality 32 3.1 The Soviet View of Neutrality 32 3.2 The Soviet Union and the Nordic Neutrals 37 4 The Nukes, the Nordics and their Neighbour 47 4.1 The Birth of the NWFZN proposal 47 4.2 The Early Soviet Campaign for a NWFZN 52 4.3 The NWFZN plan in Soviet Historiography 57 4.4 The Scandinavian Countries and the Nuclear Option 59 5 Scandinavian Zone Proposals 67 5.1 The Unden Plan 67 5.2 The Kekkonen Plan 73 5.2.1 Background 73 5.2.2 The First Kekkonen Plan 77 5.2.3 Nordic reactions 81 5.2.4 The Soviet response 83 Vll Vlll Contents 6 The Finnish Paradox and the Nordic Balance 87 6.1 Kekkonen's Preventive Foreign Policy and the NWFZN proposal 87 6.2 The Soviet Union and the Definition of Finnish Neutrality 93 6.3 Finland Between Scandinavia and the USSR 98 7 The Kekkonen Plan Relaunched 106 7 .I The NWFZN Proposal on the International Scene 106 7.2 The Regional Resurrection of the Kekkonen Plan 112 7.3 Repercussions 115 8 The Search for a Sanctuary 125 8.1 Norway: From the Evensen Campaign to Parliamentary Compromise 125 8.2 Sweden: Between the Zone and the Submarines 134 8.3 Finland: Exit Kekkonen 146 8.4 Denmark: The NWFZN and the 'Footnote Alliance' 151 9 The Soviet Union and the NWFZN Proposal in the 1980s 159 9.1 The Soviet Peace Programme and Scandinavia 159 9.2 The Soviet Union and the Evensen Campaign 163 9.3 The Heyday of the NWFZN Proposal 166 9.4 The Struggle for the Zone 170 9.5 Setbacks for the NWFZN plan 173 9.6 After the Andropov Initiative 180 10 Conclusion 185 10.1 The Political Impact of the Increase of Soviet Power in the Nordic Area 185 10.2 The NWFZN in Soviet Peace Policy 188 10.3 The Effects of the NWFZN 'Pill' 190 Contents IX 10.3.1 A NWFZN would create a sanctuary in the event of a nuclear conflict 190 10.3.2 A NWFZN would reduce tension in 191 Northern Europe and possibly have effect on East-West efforts to reduce nuclear arms in Europe 10.3.3 Political will of the Nordic Governments is sufficient for the realisation of a protective NWFZN 192 Notes and References 195 Select Bibliography 214 Index 218 Foreword The problem of Nordic security that has imposed itself with growing persistency since the 1970s cannot be reduced simply to the deterrence of a possible attack by the rapidly expanding Soviet forces in the area. Worrisome though that expansion is, it has not made such an attack more likely than before. Instead, it has dramatised the importance of security short of the military confrontation that deterrence is designed to prevent. Yet this subject has been sadly neglected in the Western strategic debate, excessively preoccupied with extreme scenarios which are possible but hardly probable. For several reasons, theN ordic region is particularly well suited to enhance our sensitivity to the deeper meaning of security. It has been a region whose strategic importance began to rise at the very time the political detente between East and West flourished. It has also been an area in which five different concepts of national security have been harmonised in the remarkably stable 'Nordic balance'. Finally, because of its singularly successful blend of freedom, democracy, and material well-being, Scandi navia is the quintessential West. And since this impressive achievement has been made in the immediate Soviet vicinity in a physical environment comparable to Russia's, the European North is the frontier where the conflicting values most conspi cuously clash. Ingemar Lindahl is exceptionally well attuned to these crucial realities of Nordic security. A Swede, a diplomat, and a poet, he knows the region intimately, grasps the essence of its relations with the outside world, and adds that special insight into the workings of human mind which writers on security matters usually lack. Convinced about the indispensability of power, includi11g military power, he is not tender-minded in his critique of the folly of the current Nordic nuclear-free zone-proposal. Yet he calls for a mainly political response to the Soviet challenge. His analysis deserves to be read widely not only by experts but also by ordinary citizens on whose will to defend the values that unite Scandinavia with the rest of the Western world the security of the common heritage ultimately rests. Center for International Relations VOJTECH MASTNY Boston University X

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