Law, Governance and Technology Series 49 Carlos Blanco de Morais Gilmar Ferreira Mendes Thomas Vesting Editors The Rule of Law in Cyberspace Law, Governance and Technology Series Volume 49 SeriesEditors PompeuCasanovas,UAB,InstituteofLawandTechnologyUAB,Barcelona,Spain GiovanniSartor,UniversityofBolognaandEuropeanUniversityInstituteof Florence,Florence,Italy The Law, Governance and Technology Series is intended to attract manuscripts arising from an interdisciplinary approach in law, artificial intelligence and infor- mation technologies. The idea is to bridge the gap between research in IT law and IT-applications for lawyers developing a unifying techno-legal perspective. The series will welcome proposals that have a fairly specific focus on problems or projectsthatwillleadtoinnovativeresearchchartingthecoursefornewinterdisci- plinarydevelopmentsinlaw,legaltheory,andlawandsocietyresearchaswellasin computer technologies, artificial intelligence and cognitive sciences. In broad strokes,manuscriptsforthisseriesmaybemainlylocatedinthefieldsoftheInternet law (data protection, intellectual property, Internet rights, etc.), Computational models of the legal contents and legal reasoning, Legal Information Retrieval, Electronic Data Discovery, Collaborative Tools (e.g. Online Dispute Resolution platforms), Metadata and XML Technologies (for Semantic Web Services), Tech- nologies in Courtrooms and Judicial Offices (E-Court), Technologies for Govern- ments and Administrations (E-Government), Legal Multimedia, and Legal ElectronicInstitutions(Multi-AgentSystemsandArtificialSocieties). (cid:129) Carlos Blanco de Morais (cid:129) Gilmar Ferreira Mendes Thomas Vesting Editors The Rule of Law in Cyberspace Editors CarlosBlancodeMorais GilmarFerreiraMendes SchoolofLaw SupremoTribunalFederal UniversityofLisbon BrazilianSupremeCourt(STF) Lisbon,Portugal Brasília,Brazil ThomasVesting FacultyofLaw GoetheUniversityFrankfurt FrankfurtamMain,Germany ThisworkwaspartiallyfundedbyPortuguesenationalfundsthroughtheFCT-Fundação paraaCiênciaeaTecnologia,I.P.,underthescopeoftheprojectUIDB/04310/2020. ISSN2352-1902 ISSN2352-1910 (electronic) Law,GovernanceandTechnologySeries ISBN978-3-031-07376-2 ISBN978-3-031-07377-9 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-07377-9 ©TheEditor(s)(ifapplicable)andTheAuthor(s),underexclusivelicensetoSpringerNatureSwitzerland AG2022 Thisworkissubjecttocopyright.AllrightsaresolelyandexclusivelylicensedbythePublisher,whether thewholeorpartofthematerialisconcerned,specificallytherightsoftranslation,reprinting,reuseof illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similarordissimilarmethodologynowknownorhereafterdeveloped. Theuseofgeneraldescriptivenames,registerednames,trademarks,servicemarks,etc.inthispublication doesnotimply,evenintheabsenceofaspecificstatement,thatsuchnamesareexemptfromtherelevant protectivelawsandregulationsandthereforefreeforgeneraluse. 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ThisSpringerimprintispublishedbytheregisteredcompanySpringerNatureSwitzerlandAG Theregisteredcompanyaddressis:Gewerbestrasse11,6330Cham,Switzerland Contents Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 CarlosBlancodeMorais,GilmarFerreiraMendes,andThomasVesting PartI DemocraticConstitutionalisminCyberspace “DigitalDemocracy”:AThreattotheDemocraticSystem orOxygenationofRepresentativeDemocracyandFreeSpeech?. . . . . . 9 CarlosBlancodeMorais DigitalConstitutionalismandConstitutionalJurisdiction: AResearchAgendafortheBrazilianCase. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65 GilmarFerreiraMendesandVictorOliveiraFernandes TheCrisisoftheRepresentativeDemocracyintheFaceofDigital Democracy. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89 FranciscoBalaguerCallejón RuleofLaw,DemocracyandNewTechnologies. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103 JoséLeviMellodoAmaralJúnior Freedom,Democracy,DigitalGovernmentandHuman Development. . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . 111 PauloUebel TheDigitizationofGovernmentandDigitalExclusion: SettingtheScene. . .. . . .. . . .. . . . .. . . .. . . .. . . . .. . . .. . . .. . . . .. 125 SofiaRanchordás TheImpactofArtificialIntelligenceontheStructures oftheModernPublicSphere. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149 ThomasVesting v vi Contents PartII TheThreatofDisinformationandtheRoleofSocialNetworks FakeNewsandthe2018BrazilianPresidentialElection. . . . . . . . . . . . . 167 FredericoGonçalvesJunkert PoliticalSpeech,FreedomofExpressionandFakeNews. . . . . . . . . . . . 187 CarlosBastideHorbach DisinformationandJournalism. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 203 LuísaMeireles SocialNetworksandtheExerciseofFundamentalRights:Public AdministrationandtheDigitalizationofFundamentalRights. . . . . . . . 217 MarianaMeloEgídio FreedomofExpressionintheAgeofDigitalPlatforms: ChangeofParadigm?. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 239 RuiTavaresLanceiro OnlineHateSpeechandtheRoleofDigitalPlatforms: WhatAretheProspectsforFreedomofExpression?. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 261 GinevraCerrinaFeroniandAndreaGatti HateSpeechandSocialMedia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 283 MiguelNogueiradeBrito Don’tShoottheMessage:RegulatingDisinformation BeyondContent. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 309 ClaraIglesiasKeller ModelsofLegalLiabilityforSocialNetworks:Between GermanyandPortugal. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 331 DomingosSoaresFarinhoandRicardoResendeCampos Self-RegulationandPublicRegulationofSocialNetworks inPortugal. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 349 DomingosSoaresFarinho CyberCourtsforSocialMediaAsaNewInstitutionalDimension ofMediaFreedom?. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 387 Karl-HeinzLadeur Introduction CarlosBlancodeMorais,GilmarFerreiraMendes,andThomasVesting Abstract The so-called “digital democracy” has little to do with representative democracy or even with deliberative democracy, functioning rather, in a liberal or libertarianlogic,asamultipolarchanneloffreespeechinpluralistsocieties,which developswithoutdependenceonthefiltermedia,predictinginthefuture,agrowing impactonpoliticalaction. Thepoliticaluseofsocialnetworks incyberspaceindemocratic states canboth oxygenate representative democracy, stimulating direct communication between politiciansandcitizensandimprovingpublicdebate,aswellasdegradingitsquality throughhatespeech,falsenews,andvexingmessages.However,inthesecondcase, network communications do not, by themselves, constitute a threat to the same democracy,butratherastrainonitsquality. Sincecyberspacecannotbea“landwithoutlaw”,surveillanceoffakeorextreme online discourse must be based on balanced rules that allow public and private entities to prevent and repress the incitement or practice of serious crimes while avoidingtheuseofdirectorcollateralcensorshipaimedatshapingasinglethought patternoranindexof“cursed”politicalthoughts. InEurope,thereissometimesanexaggeratedperceptionofvirtualriskslinkedto communication in cyberspace, which means that in some countries, like Germany, thecurbingofpoliticaldebateoperatesthrougha“bureaucratic”privateandcollat- eral soft form of censorship imposed by public authorities on digital platforms, subsidizingtheactionofthecourts,whichconstitutesaconstitutionallyproblematic restriction on freedom of expression. In the United States, the platforms generated C.B.deMorais(*) UniversityofLisbon,SchoolofLaw,Lisbon,Portugal e-mail:[email protected] G.F.Mendes SupremoTribunalFederal,BrazilianSupremeCourt(STF),Brasília,Brazil e-mail:[email protected] T.Vesting FacultyofLaw,GoetheUniversityFrankfurt,FrankfurtamMain,Germany e-mail:[email protected] ©TheAuthor(s),underexclusivelicensetoSpringerNatureSwitzerlandAG2022 1 C.BlancodeMoraisetal.(eds.),TheRuleofLawinCyberspace,Law,Governance andTechnologySeries49,https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-07377-9_1 2 C.B.deMoraisetal. some sort of digital cartel banning or suspending, sometimes concertedly, citizens andsocialnetworksbasedontheirdeontologicalcodesofbehaviourwithoutfurther control. In any case, in electoral periods, courts with electoral functions must have effective power to intervene, especially in the removal of messages that involve manifestly fake news with major social impact and also relevant manipulative communications in the elective process, namely those created artificially from abroadorthatinvolvegrossviolationofcitizen’sdataprotectionrules. Keywords Socialnetworks·Hatespeech·Freespeech·Balancedcyberegulation· Qualityofdemocracy ThisbookistheoutputofaspecificResearchProjectdevelopedoverseveralyears bythePublicLawResearchCenteroftheLisbonUniversityFacultyofLaw(Lisbon Public Law) in partnership with the Brasiliense Public Law Institute (IDP) and the Getúlio Vargas Foundation, integrated in the main umbrella international project “Governance4.0”. Thechosenthemecouldnotbemorerelevantforthedevelopmentandprogress ofLaw.Theruleoflawincyberspaceposesnewchallengestopubliclaw,forcingit toreflectonitsownborders,foundations,structures,mechanics,andresponses.All classicbranchesofpubliclawareaffected.Inconstitutionallaw,theverynotionof State seems to be expanding, as—adequately or not—new digital states seem to emerge,inadditiontothevirtualizationofanofflineStatevis-a-visacorresponding onlineState.Inthisway,notonlydofundamentalrightsundergonewtensions,but oldproblems—suchasthehorizontaleffectivenessoffundamentalrights—takeon new guises. Also, the classic sovereign power structures are challenged by cyber- space, from the legislative power to the judiciary, passing through the executive power. And precisely because the latter is at the center of the hurricane, having to dealwithitsownadministrativestructurebutalsowiththeregulationofnewdigital actors,administrativelawgainsspecialimportance,nationallyandglobally.Finally, InternationalLawisincreasinglycalledtobethearenawhereallthequestionsposed bycyberspacetomodernStatesmustberesolved,asonlyitcanoffertheregionalor, tosomeextent,globalresponsesthattheinternetconvenes. Thefirstchallengeposedtotheruleoflawincyberspaceisaddressedtowhathas been its main identity element: the democratic system and the pluralism which is inseparably connected to it. Indeed, democratic constitutionalism in cyberspace raises numerous problems and difficulties, some of which are new in the legal- political experience. Thus, the first major objective of this work is to study these problemsanddifficulties,lookingatthemaschallengesanddrawingreflectionsand solutions. Throughout the first seven articles of this work, authors from different origins and having different legal systems as references offer the result of their investigation, from the Brazilian case to global perspectives from Portugal, Spain, Italy,theNetherlands,andGermany. Introduction 3 Thetopicscoveredintendtoexpressthemaintopicsofdiscussionaroundcurrent digitalconstitutionalism,suchasthemechanismsofdigitaldemocracyandjurisdic- tion, e-government, human development, and issues of digital exclusion, without forgettingthenewissuesregardingartificialintelligence. It is from the scenario outlined by the challenges posed to constitutionalism in digitalmediathatthesecondpartofthiscollective workisdeveloped,focusingon whatisoneofthefundamentaltopicsneededtounderstandtheevolutionoftherule oflawincyberspace:athreatofmisinformationandtheroleofsocialmedia.With this aggregating line as a background, eleven other authors confront current prob- lems posed by the growing danger of misinformation and what is already called “infodemy”, aswellas the place that networks have come to occupy as mediators, lessandlessneutral,oftherelationsbetweenthemembersofthepoliticalcommu- nityandtheStateitself. Also in this second part of the present work, an attempt was made to obtain a pluralityofinvestigationsintomanyotherlegalsystemsofreference,withperspec- tivesfromGermany,Brazil,PortugalandItaly,basedonthenecessaryglobalvision inwhichtheseproblemsdevelop. Thus, in his paper, Carlos Blanco de Morais discusses the implications for democracy of the new phenomena of social media, criticizing the tools of control ofhatespeechandtrolling.TheAuthorconcludesthatregulationisneeded,consid- eringthatfreespeechisakeyelementofanyDemocracy. GilmarMendes,inhispaper,defendsthat,tograntfundamentalrightsincyber- space,ConstitutionalCourts,ingeneral,andSTF,inparticular,shouldredefinethe traditional perspective of the theory of horizontal effectiveness of fundamental rights. FranciscoBalaguerCallejónpointsoutthenecessitytointroducedeepchanges in the structure of the communicative processes and the technological companies controlling them, to move forward into a digital democracy and recover both representative and constitutional democracy, both currently in danger due to the useofnewtechnologiesworldwide. Next,JoséLevidoAmaralJúnioranalyzesrecentlyapprovedlegislation bythe BrazilianNationalCongressonthenewmanifestationsofmassmedia.Studying,in particular,thecaseoftheGeneralDataProtectionAct,theAuthorconcludesthatthis legislativedocumenttakesmeasures,optionsandpathsaccordinglytofundamental rights. Addressing the relationship between human development, freedom, democracy and digital government, Paulo Uebel considers that governments, especially the Brazilian,shouldaimtostrengthenandextendfreedomofexpressionandfreedom of the press, considering their relevance for human development. In his vision, governmentsworldwiderestrictingfreedomofexpressionandpresswillresultina deficitofinformationand,ultimately,thechoicesofitscitizens. Stating the fact that a growing number of public services is becoming digital, Sofia Ranchordas discusses digital government from the perspective of digital inequality and digital exclusion, demonstrating that the current outline of digital