UUnniivveerrssiittyy ooff PPeennnnssyyllvvaanniiaa SScchhoollaarrllyyCCoommmmoonnss Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 1995 TThhee PPeerrssiisstteennccee ooff tthhee AAnnddaalluussiiaann IIddeennttiittyy iinn RRaabbaatt,, MMoorrooccccoo Beebe Bahrami University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Ethnic Studies Commons, European History Commons, Islamic World and Near East History Commons, Social and Cultural Anthropology Commons, and the Sociology Commons RReeccoommmmeennddeedd CCiittaattiioonn Bahrami, Beebe, "The Persistence of the Andalusian Identity in Rabat, Morocco" (1995). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 1176. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/1176 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/1176 For more information, please contact [email protected]. TThhee PPeerrssiisstteennccee ooff tthhee AAnnddaalluussiiaann IIddeennttiittyy iinn RRaabbaatt,, MMoorrooccccoo AAbbssttrraacctt This thesis investigates the problem of how an historical identity persists within a community in Rabat, Morocco, that traces its ancestry to Spain. Called Andalusians, these Moroccans are descended from Spanish Muslims who were first forced to convert to Christianity after 1492, and were expelled from the Iberian peninsula in the early seventeenth century. I conducted both ethnographic and historical archival research among Rabati Andalusian families. There are four main reasons for the persistence of the Andalusian identity in spite of the strong acculturative forces of religion, language, and culture in Moroccan society. First, the presence of a strong historical continuity of the Andalusian heritage in North Africa has provided a dominant history into which the exiled communities could integrate themselves. Second, the predominant practice of endogamy, as well as other social practices, reinforces an intergenerational continuity among Rabati Andalusians. Third, the Andalusian identity is a single identity that has a complex range of sociocultural contexts in which it is both meaningful and flexible. And fourth, non-Andalusian Moroccans reinforce the cultural meanings behind the importance of being Andalusian, based on the affinity most Moroccans have for the Andalusian Spanish heritage. The dissertation concludes by drawing upon comparative ethnographic material by way of testing the validity of the four reasons in contexts outside of Morocco. This thesis contributes both theoretically and ethnographically to the anthropological literature. Theoretically, it offers a general pattern to the persistence of identity while also utilizing and building onto synchronic identity studies and studies of acculturation and assimilation in anthropology by looking at the processual context of the Andalusian identity. Ethnographically, this dissertation contributes a description of a cultural group so far not represented in anthropology and also looks at a culturally elite group, a class that is under-represented in the literature. DDeeggrreeee TTyyppee Dissertation DDeeggrreeee NNaammee Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) GGrraadduuaattee GGrroouupp Anthropology KKeeyywwoorrddss Spain SSuubbjjeecctt CCaatteeggoorriieess Ethnic Studies | European History | Islamic World and Near East History | Social and Cultural Anthropology | Sociology This dissertation is available at ScholarlyCommons: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/1176 THE PERSISTENCE OF THE ANDALUSIAN IDENTITY IN RABAT, MOROCCO Beebe Bahrami A DISSERTATION in Anthropology Presented to the Faculties of the University of Pennsylvania in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy 1995 Supervisor of Dissertation Graduate Group" Chairperson Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. COPYRIGHT BEEBE BAHRAMI 1995 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Hassan, Nahid, Ali, Pedare, Madare, and Birch, for a lifetime of love, belief, and support iii Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Acknow1edqement s Many friends from many places and perspectives have supported me in the process that led to this work. Family and friends in Boulder and in Tehran influenced my pursuit of anthropology. My parents especially encouraged the exploration of cultures through their own experience of emigration, and through their all out belief, in theory and in practice, that I could do whatever it was that I wanted, emphasizing that I choose my life's passion. Moreover, in choosing the life of an anthropologist, there are many individuals in the United States, Europe, and Morocco who have fully given of their time, ideas, and support. To all of them I am very grateful. At the University of Pennsylvania my particular thanks go to Brian Spooner, Renata Holod, Sandra Barnes, Igor Kopytoff, Bill Davenport, Robert Harding, Linda Lee, Roger Allen, Everett Rowson, Hussein El-Khafaifi, Sabah El Ghandour, and Mary Martin. Many thanks also to Dale Eickelman at Dartmouth College, Susan Gilson Miller at Harvard University, and Donna Lee Bowen at Brigham Young University who all offered insightful guidance during meetings while I was in the field in Rabat. In Spain, the people who have helped me and enriched my life are Maria del Carmen Rubio Godoy, her Sevillano friends and family, and Manu Nunez Jimenez, all who first iv Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. introduced me to southern Spanish culture and who lit the fires of curiosity about the Spanish past and present that eventually led me to cross the Straits and seek answers in Morocco. Guillermo Gozalbes Busto, a scholar of Moroccan history residing in Granada, furthered the quest for answers through his experience with and enthusiasm for our common interest in the Moriscos of Rabat. In Morocco, many individuals were generous with their time, resources, and ideas. While I cannot personally thank everyone in Morocco for their help in my research and in my enjoyment of their society and culture, there are some individuals who must be applauded. Mohamed Ben Aboud in Tetouan, Mohamed Bargach, Mohamed El Mansour, Fatima Harrak El Mansour, Mohamed Abou Talib, Abdallah al-Souissi, Mohamed Adbel Krim Krim, and Mehdi Bennouna in Rabat, and Muncef Lahlou and Wafa1 Berrada in Fez, were all generous with their time, scholarship, and enthusiasm for my work. Moreover, their pride in their culture and society are inspirational. I am also very grateful to the Moroccan- American Commission for Educational and Cultural Exchange (the Fulbright Commission) and thank both the Moroccan and United States governments for their shared support of my research. This research simply would not have happened without this generous grant. The Moroccan- v Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. American Commission itself is staffed by an exceptional group of talented Moroccan and American individuals. They all made me feel welcome and went out of their way to help me with my work and with my quality of life. My thanks go to Edward Thomas, Saadia Maskiin, Mustafa Ouahid, and Mohamed Chrayah. Edward Thomas and his wife Leila Nakhjavani Thomas gave me a family away from home and a feeling of belonging and support which I will always cherish. Other good friends found by going to Morocco are Adrienne Alvord and Mustapha Kamal. Last but most importantly are all the Andalusian and non- Andalusian Moroccans who allowed me to participate in their lives. From all these people in Morocco I have acquired a love for the country they call home and to which I hope to return again and again. Thanks also must go to my friend and fellow scholar Grace Osgood, with whom I had many relaxed afternoon ruminations, and who into her ninety-seventh year continued to remind me of the splendors of learning and travel. Also important to mention are Angelo and Paul who run the local grocery store in Narberth, Pennsylvania. They frequently asked me, "So, how is the writing today?", when I stopped in for a pint of milk or a pound of apples. Many special thanks are reserved for Birch Miles, my husband, and Sharon Nagy, my good friend; both shared and vi Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. supported the experience of this work on a daily basis. Birch, who I met during one of the after-class gatherings on the eighth floor of Williams Hall, supported my independent travels and field studies, joined in on some of the adventures, helped shape ideas, read all drafts of the dissertation, and lovingly endured the strange process inherent in writing a dissertation. Sharon helped shape ideas and read the dissertation draft and offered good advice and suggestions along the way. In summing up a process that began a lifetime ago, I wish to express deep appreciation to Birch Miles, Hassan Bahrami, Nahid Bahrami, and Ali Bahrami, for their unconditional love, devotion, perseverance, and support. vii Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ABSTRACT THE PERSISTENCE OF THE ANDALUSIAN IDENTITY IN RABAT, MOROCCO BEEBE BAHRAMI BRIAN SPOONER This thesis investigates the problem of how an historical identity persists within a community in Rabat, Morocco, that traces its ancestry to Spain. Called Andalusians, these Moroccans are descended from Spanish Muslims who were first forced to convert to Christianity after 1492, and were expelled from the Iberian peninsula in the early seventeenth century. I conducted both ethnographic and historical archival research among Rabati Andalusian families. There are four main reasons for the persistence of the Andalusian identity in spite of the strong acculturative forces of religion, language, and culture in Moroccan society. First, the presence of a strong historical continuity of the Andalusian heritage in North Africa has provided a dominant history into which the exiled communities coulc1 integrate themselves. Second, the predominant practice of endogamy, as well as other social practices, reinforces an intergenerational continuity among Rabati Andalusians. Third, the Andalusian identity is a viii Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
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