Subcultural Theory: Traditions and Concepts

225 Pages·2011·1.334 MB·English

by  J. Patrick Williams

Subcultural Theory

Subcultural Theory
Traditions and Concepts
J. Patrick Williams
polity
Copyright © J. Patrick Williams 2011
The right of J. Patrick Williams to be identifi ed as Author of this Work has
been asserted in accordance with the UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act
1988.
First published in 2011 by Polity Press
Polity Press
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Cambridge CB2 1UR, UK
Polity Press
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Malden, MA 02148, USA
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ISBN-13: 978-0-7456-4387-8
ISBN-13: 978-0-7456-4388-5(pb)
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Contents
List of Figures and Images viii
Preface ix
1 Subcultural Theory 1
Defi ning subculture 5
Problems theorizing subculture 8
Outline of the book 13
2 Theoretical and Methodological Traditions 17
American traditions I – the Chicago School and urban
ethnography 18
American traditions II – deviance and strain 21
British traditions I – the Birmingham School and cultural studies 26
British traditions II – from the Manchester School to
post-subculture studies 29
Back to subculture – the symbolic interactionist tradition 35
3 Race, Gender, and Subcultural Experience 44
From tsotsis to gangstas: “a living record” of race and
masculinity 47
Negotiating the masculine bias: gender and “the master’s tools” 56
Summary 62
4 Style 65
with Jeffrey L. Kidder
The meaning of style 67
From consumption to subcultural style 69
Homology: ideology, image, and practice 74
vi Contents
Semiotic homologies: teddy boys, skinheads, mods, and
punks 76
Ethnographic homologies: rockers, hippies, messengers, and
homegirls 78
The value of style: diffusion and defusion 83
Summary 85
5 Resistance 87
Power and hegemony 89
Multiple dimensions of resistance 92
Passive ↔ active 94
Micro ↔ macro 99
Overt ↔ covert 102
Summary 105
6 Labels and Moral Panics 107
From social reaction theory to a sociology of moral panics 109
From music-lovers to satanic killers: endless cycles of
subcultural folk devils 113
Raves, drugs, and postmodern media 121
Summary 124
7 Identity and Authenticity 126
Insiders and outsiders 129
Status hierarchies 133
Identity and authenticity 138
Summary 144
8 Scales 146
Sociological scales 147
Spatial scales 152
Summary 163
9 Related Fields 165
with Elizabeth Cherry
Social movements 165
Collective identity 171
Lifestyle politics 173
Participatory cultures and fandom 174
Parallels 177
Tensions 180
Summary 183
Contents v ii
10 A Final Note on Concepts 185
Notes 190
References 194
Index 212
List of Figures and Images
Figures
2.1 Merton’s strain theory 24
5.1 Three dimensions of resistance 94
7.1 Objectivist model of status hierarchy 135
Images
1 Girls standing outside a mosh pit at a hardcore show in
Memphis, Tennessee 59
2 A bike messenger with all the typical accoutrements 81
3 A Danish punk fl yer calling for an organized protest to
protect a squat in Copenhagen 168
4 Members of the 501st Legion march down the streets of
Atlanta, Georgia, at Dragon*Con 179
Preface
This book, while theoretically relevant to the study of most cultures
marked as different from the so-called “mainstream” – whether
by social status, ethnicity, language, taste, politics, or otherwise –
focuses most on bringing together decades’ worth of studies on oppo-
sitional youth subcultures, which became so prevalent during the
twentieth century. The reasoning behind this is twofold. First, while
the concept “subculture” has been used in various ways to describe
the culture of many types of social groupings, its application to youth
has been profound, and some of the best descriptions of young peo-
ple’s alternative methods of doing things have occurred within this
tradition. Second, the idea of oppositional youth subcultures is close
to my own heart. It is through my participation in the punk, straight-
edge, and extreme metal subcultures over more than two decades
that I am the person I am today. Setting aside what I am supposed to
know about primary and secondary socialization, I feel that my inter-
actions with(in) these cultures during adolescence and through my
adult life have been incredibly profound, leading me toward sincere
critical thinking, a certain disregard for social standards or “right-
ness,” and a belief in the positive possibilities for social change.
Over the course of writing the text, however, I began to realize that
explicitly signifying “youth subcultures” throughout the text would
be counterproductive, mainly because of the diversity of types of
people who participate in such cultures today. Go to a subcultural
venue in almost any city and you’ll probably see more teenagers than
anyone else, but there are other people to be seen as well. Subcultural
affi liation is most likely to begin during adolescence, but its sig-
nifi cance can last a lifetime. The concept of “youth subcultures,”
so commonly used in social-science writing, rhetorically denies the