cover next page > title: Second Language Acquisition & Language Pedagogy Multilingual Matters (Series) author: Ellis, Rod. publisher: Multilingual Matters isbn10 | asin: 185359136X print isbn13: 9781853591365 ebook isbn13: 9780585304649 language: English subject Second language acquisition, Language and languages--Study and teaching. publication date: 1992 lcc: P118.2.E39 1992eb ddc: 418/.007 subject: Second language acquisition, Language and languages--Study and teaching. cover next page > < previous page page_i next page > Page i Second Language Acquisition & Language Pedagogy Rod Ellis Temple University Japan < previous page page_i next page > < previous page page_ii next page > Page ii Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Ellis, Rod Second Language Acquisition and Language Pedagogy/Rod Ellis (Multilingual Matters: 79) Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. Second language acquisition. 2. Language and languages Study and teaching. I. Title. II. Series: Multilingual Matters (Series) P118.2.E39 1991 418´.007 dc20 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN 1-85359-136-X (hbk) ISBN 1-85359-135-1 (pbk) Multilingual Matters Ltd UK: Bank House, 8a Hill Road, Clevedon, Avon, England BS21 7HH. USA: 1900 Frost Road, Suite 101, Bristol, PA 19007, USA. Australia: P.O. Box 6025, 83 Gilles Street, Adelaide, SA 5000, Australia. Copyright © 1992 Rod Ellis All rights reserved. No part of this work may be reproduced in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the publisher. Photoset, printed and bound in Great Britain by The Longdunn Press Ltd, Bristol. < previous page page_ii next page > < previous page page_iii next page > Page iii CONTENTS Section 1: Introduction 1 Section 2: Interaction and Second Language Acquisition 17 1. Teacher-Pupil Interaction in Second Language Development 19 2. The Classroom Context An Acquisition Rich or An Acquisition Poor Environment? 37 Section 3: Formal Instruction and Second Language Acquisition 51 3. Can Syntax be Taught? A Study of the Effects of Formal Instruction on the Acquisition of WH Questions by Children 53 4. Are Classroom and Naturalistic Acquisition the Same? A Study of the Classroom Acquisition of German Word Order Rules 75 5. The Role of Practice in Classroom Learning 101 Section 4: Variability and Second Language Acquisition 121 6. Sources of Variability in Interlanguage 123 7. Interlanguage Variability in Narrative Discourse: Style Shifting in the Use of the Past Tense 140 Section 5: Learning Styles and Second Language Acquisition 161 8. Individual Learning Styles in Classroom Second Language Development 163 9. Classroom Learning Styles and Their Effect on Second Languange Acquisition: A Study of Two Learners 175 < previous page page_iii next page > < previous page page_iv next page > Page iv Section 6: From Research to Pedagogy 191 10. Second Language Learning and Second Language Learners: Growth and Diversity 194 11. Contextual Variability in Second Language Acquisition and the Relevancy of Language Teaching 213 12. Grammar Teaching Practice or Consciousness-raising? 232 Section 7: Conclusion 243 References 250 Index 266 A Note on Terminology 1. The abbreviation 'SLA' is used to refer to second language acquisition as a field of study. In contrast, 'L2 acquisition' refers to the actual acquisition of a second language. 2. There is no consistency in the use of pronouns to refer generically to 'learner', 'native speaker', 'teacher' etc. This reflects my own changing practice in the use of these pronouns over the last decade. Whereas I initially opted for masculine pronouns I have more recently preferred feminine forms. I hope that, taken as a whole, the book offers reasonable balance between masculine and feminine pronouns and that, as a result, no serious offense to any reader will arise. < previous page page_iv next page > < previous page page_1 next page > Page 1 SECTION 1 INTRODUCTION The last quarter of a decade has seen the birth of second language acquisition (SLA) as a field of study within applied linguistics. Although there were a few studies of how people acquired a second language (L2) before this period (see, for instance, Leopold's (1939) admirable study of the speech development of a bilingual child) it is certainly true that the growth in emperical work has been exponential since the late 1960s. This is reflected in a dramatic increase in the published journals that inform the field (Applied Linguistics, Studies in Second Language Acquisition and Second Language Research, for example, did not exist prior to 1980) and also in full-length books, providing both collections of conference papers and state-of-the-art reviews of the field. It is pertinent to ask three general questions: (1) What motivated this growth in SLA studies? (2) What developments in SLA have taken place over this 20-year period? (3) What issues have SLA studies focused on? Given that SLA has always been closely associated with proposals for language pedagogy a theory of language learning together with a theory of language constituting the twin sources of the theoretical principles that give shape to particular instructional approaches (cf. Richards & Rogers, 1986) it is also pertinent to ask a fourth question: (4) In what ways have SLA studies informed L2 pedagogy? This introduction will briefly examine each of these questions and in so doing provide a context in which to locate the papers that comprise this collection. The Origins of SLA Studies The sudden development in SLA studies which took place in the late 1960s was the result of a number of factors, which together conspired to interest researchers in how an L2 was acquired in particular, in naturalistic surroundings. These factors were: (1) previous work in first language < previous page page_1 next page > < previous page page_2 next page > Page 2 acquisition, (2) theoretical conflict as a result of competing views of how language is acquired, and (3) a growing disillusionment with contemporary approaches to the teaching of an L2. The Debt to L1 Studies The early 1960s saw a number of empirical studies of L1 acquisition. Roger Brown and associates at Harvard University conducted a longitudinal study of three children learning English. They collected spoken data of conversations between the children and their mothers in play situations, painstakingly transcribed them and then submitted them to a number of detailed analyses in order to investigate how the children gained control over the grammatical system of English. Similar studies were carried out by Dan Slobin and associates and by Lois Bloom. In each case the studies were longitudinal and the emphasis was on describing and accounting for the linguistic (in particular, grammatical) development that took place in young children. De Villiers & de Villiers (1973) used a rather different approach. They collected data from a larger number of children but at a single point in time and then sought to determine the accuracy with which specific grammatical morphemes (e.g. plural -s and past tense -ed) were performed by the children, hypothesising that accuracy order and acquisition order would be closely related. In this way the cross-sectional study of acquisition could be used to provide information about L1 development. These studies of L1 acquisition informed early work in L2 acquisition in a number of ways. First, they demonstrated that it was possible to investigate how a language was acquired in valid and reliable ways. Second, they offered a set of methodological procedures that could be used equally well in the study of L2 acquisition. Third, they provided a body of descriptive information about how children acquired English as their L1 which could serve as a baseline for investigating how learners acquired English as an L2. Fourth, they addressed key theoretical issues such as the extent to which L2 acquisition was influenced by environmental or innate factors. SLA research has always owed much to the study of L1 acquisition. The early longitudinal studies (e.g. Ravem, 1968; Cazden et al., 1975; Wode, 1976) borrowed extensively from the methods used by L1 researchers, relying on audio recordings and pencil- and-paper notes of naturally occurring speech. They also focused on the same set of gramatical features which had attracted attention in L1 studies (e.g. interrogation and negation), documenting the transitional rules that learners constructed on their way to target language < previous page page_2 next page > < previous page page_3 next page > Page 3 competence. Similarly, cross-sectional studies (e.g. Dulay & Burt, 1973; Bailey, Madden & Krashen, 1974) calculated the accuracy order of the same set of grammatical morphemes that had figured in L1 studies. Somewhat later, as attention in L1 acquisition research switched to the role of input and interaction (cf. Cross, 1977), L2 researchers also became interested in such phenomena as foreigner talk and teacher talk and again made use of the methodological procedures developed for investigating caretaker talk. Theoretical Controversy In the 1950s, the prevailing view of how an L2 was learnt was derived from behaviourist theories of learning. These emphasised the role of environmental factors. Learners learnt the L2 as a result of responding to stimuli and receiving feedback on the correctness of their productions. The principal mechanisms of learning were imitation, repetition and reinforcement. Successful learning occurred when the learner succeeded in forming new habits. Unsuccessful learning (which manifested itself in errors in learner production) was the result of negative transfer (interference) from the learner's L1. This view of L2 learning was seriously challenged in the late 1960s. Drawing on the kinds of arguments with which Chomsky had challenged behaviourist accounts of language and on the growing body of information about the way children acquired their L1, applied linguists such as Newmark (1966), Corder (1967) and Selinker (1972) advanced theories of L2 learning that de- emphasised the role of the environment and gave greater recognition to learner-internal factors. The learner was credited with some kind of language learning mechanism (not necessarily identical with that which the child used to discover the rules of the L1). This mechanism accounted for the creative process by which learners constructed a mental grammar of the L2 a process which manifested itself in errors of a uniquely developmental nature. These views were radically different from those advanced by the protagonists of audiolingual learning theory (Brooks, 1960; Lado, 1964) who drew heavily on behaviourist accounts of learning. The controversy between behaviourist and mentalist theories of language learning stimulated some of the early empirical work in SLA. Researchers set out to use the techniques of error analysis to evaluate to what extent learner errors could be explained with reference to L1 transfer or to the process of creative construction. Such studies as Richards (1971) and Dulay & Burt (1974a) set out to test the rival claims by investigating corpora of learner < previous page page_3 next page > < previous page page_4 next page > Page 4 errors. The results indicated that L1 transfer was far less prevalent than had previously been assumed, lending support to the mentalist position. 1 Language Teaching at the Cross-roads Language teaching in the 1950s and 1960s was dominated by the 'method' construct the idea that it was possible to identify a set of procedures which, if executed correctly and efficiently, would result in successful language learning. During these decades the long-lived hegemony of the grammar-translation method, which emphasised the written medium and the study of explicit grammar rules, gave way to new methods based on scientific accounts of language and a well-established learning theory (i.e. behaviourism). In the USA audiolingualism was touted as the method which would make language learning accessible to all, including elementary school children. In Britain the oral method, derived from the practical teaching experience of a group of language educationalists (e.g. Palmer, West and Hornby), was promoted as a means of achieving real communicative skills. The audiolingual and the oral methods shared much in common, in particular the conviction that language was best taught inductively item by item through carefully controlled practice exercises.2 The claims advanced in the name of these methods, however, proved illfounded. Learners did not succeed in developing the kind of oral control over an L2 which they were expected to. Careful drilling did not succeed in avoiding or eliminating error. Even after hours of study, learners were often unable to hold even simple natural conversations. Furthermore, many learners found the intensive drilling and the insistence on formal correctness demotivating. The Foreign Languages in the Elementary School (FLES) movement in the USA, based on the audiolingual method, proved disappointing. Furthermore, large scale studies (e.g. Scherer & Wertheimer, 1964; Smith, 1970) conducted in the USA to test the efficacy of the audiolingual method in relation to more traditional, deductive methods failed to demonstrate its expected superiority. In general, it did not seem to matter what method was used. This led to disillusionment with the 'method' construct, which in turn had two outcomes. First, it led to the advent of observational studies of actual classroom practice a move from reliance on purely external accounts of how teaching should proceed to descriptions of what actually took place inside classrooms when particular techniques were used (e.g. Politzer, 1970). Second, it resulted in a strongly felt need to discover what kinds of conditions were needed to ensure that successful language learning took place. This motivated the study of L2 acquisition by learners in naturalistic settings, as this kind of acquisition was considered to be typically successful, especially in the case of children. Just about all the early studies of L2 acquisition were conducted with learners < previous page page_4 next page > < previous page page_5 next page > Page 5 acquiring the L2 naturalistically and there was no serious attempt initially to study how languages were acquired in the classroom context, even though one of the motivating factors was a desire to improve language pedagogy. These factorsthe availability of research 'models' from L1 acquisition research, the rival claims of behaviourist and nativist theories of language learning and the desire to find out how successful, natural learning took place as a basis for improving language pedagogy contributed to the emergence of SLA as a field of study in the late 1960s and early 1970s. They also helped to shape the kinds of enquiry that initially took place. The early studies investigated natural L2 acquisition. Work in error analysis set out to test whether errors could best be explained as the product of L1 transfer or of creative construction. Longitudinal and cross-sectional studies focused on a fairly limited set of morphological and syntactic features and sought to provide descriptive information about the developmental path that learners followed. From these beginnings, SLA has blossomed, so that now it is a rich and somewhat confusing field, encompassing a great range of research interests and employing a variety of research methods. Developments in SLA Studies It is possible to identify three broad trends in SLA research over the last 20 or so years: (1) a general move from description to explanation of L2 acquisition, (2) the widening of the frame of reference from the study of how learners acquire grammatical competence to how they acquire a knowledge of the pragmatic rules of an L2, and (3) the establishment of SLA as a relatively autonomous subdiscipline of applied linguistics and a concurrent lessening of interest in its application to language teaching. From Description to Explanation Lightbown (1984), summarising work done during the 1970s, comments that SLA researchers concentrated mainly on describing how L2 acquisition takes place. A number of studies produced evidence to suggest that learners with diverse language backgrounds appeared to follow more or less a standard route in the acquisition of grammatical morphemes and such areas of syntax as negation and interrogation. Other studies indicated that some variation in the order of development of these features could occur. Most of these studies, involving learners, were not theoretically motivated rather they sought to provide information about how L2 acquisition took place, which could then be used to construct theories, a posteriori. The 1980s, however, was a period when the concern for description and theory building gave way to the concern for explanation and theory-testing. < previous page page_5 next page >
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