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Rogue States: The Rule of Force in World Affairs PDF

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MARIN COUNTY FREE LIBRARY 3 1111 02191 7255 \ Id o ^ f,-, ^^ It # / I c 5- VMS' Ik' '. "'> -^X^® W^j^ S 'i~ loam Chomsky Civic Center New Books 0^ 7.1 341. 6 Chomsky Chomsky, Noam Rogue states the rule o: : force in world affairs Praise for Rog 31111021917255 "World-famous MIT linguist [Noam] Chomsky has long kept up a sec- ond careeras acogentvoice ofthehard left, excoriatingAmerican impe- rialism, critiquing blinkered journalists and attacking global economic injustice.... [In Rogue States] Chomsky has delivered another impres- sive argument that the U.S. flouts international law when it finds it con- venient to do so." "Noam Chom" DATE DUE nic ofselective an :hat 0^ the powerful 02 - 2 6 - pli- < ant.... ChomsP JUN 2 5 2002 ^ illy disguises its p ian '^W intervention,' ici- phering the rh nce : . . 1 1 s 2002 HAK 17 "Nothing esc£ 2003 ier- fully lucid." H-is ork On Noam "An exploder nes "Reading Che ess logic, Chomsl and to discern wh; ses will eventuall; out by not listenin eek DEMCO, INC. 38-2931 Rogue States The Rule of Force in World Affairs Noam Chomsky South End Press MA Cambridge, © Copyright 2000 by Diane Chomsky Irrevocable Trust Cover design by Ellen P. Shapiro Any properly footnoted quotation ofup to 500 sequential words may be used without permission, as long as the total number ofwords quoted does not exceed 2,000. For longer quotations or for a greater number of total words, please write to South End Press for permission. Library ofCongress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Chomsky, Noam. Rogue states : the rule offorce in world affairs / by Noam Chomsky. p. cm. Includes index. — ISBN 0-89608-612-7 (cloth) ISBN 0-89608-61 1-9 (paper) 1. Aggression (International law). 2. Intervention (International law). 3. Rule oflaw. I. Title. KZ6374 .C48 2000 — 341.6'2 dc21 99-049570 MA South End Press, 7 Brookline Street #1, Cambridge, 02139-4146 05 04 03 02 01 ^ 4 5 6 Printed in Canada Contents Who 1. Rogues' Gallery: Qualifies? 1 2. Rogue States 12 3. Crisis in the Balkans 34 4. East Timor Retrospective 51 5. "Plan Colombia" 62 6. Cuba and the US Government: David vs. Goliath 82 7. Putting on the Pressure: Latin America 93 8. Jubilee 2000 101 A 9. "Recovering Rights": Crooked Path 108 10. The United States and the "Challenge ofUniversality" 124 11. The Legacy ofWar 156 12. Millennium Greetings 174 13. Power in the Domestic Arena 188 14. Socioeconomic Sovereignty 199 Notes 215 Index 242 About South End Press 253 Digitized by the Internet Archive 2010 in http://www.archive.org/details/roguestatesruleoOOchom . 1 Rogues' Gallery Who Qualifies? Alike many otherterms ofpolitical discourse, the term"rogue state" has two uses: apropagandistic use, applied to assorted enemies, and a literal use thatapplies to states thatdo notregardthemselves as boundby inter- nationalnorms. Logic suggests thatthe mostpowerful states shouldtend to fall into the latter category unless internally constrained, an expecta- tion that history confirms. Though intemational norms are not rigidly determined, there is a measure ofagreement on general guidelines. In the post-World War II UN period, these norms are partially codified in the Charter, Intema- tional Court ofJustice decisions, and various conventions and treaties. The US regards itselfas exempt from these conditions, increasingly so since the Cold Warended, leaving US dominance so overwhelming that pretense can be largely dropped. The fact has not gone unnoticed. The newsletter of the American Society of Intemational Law (ASIL) ob- served in March 1999 that "intemational law is today probably less highly regarded in our country than at any time" in the century; the edi- torofitsprofessionaljoumal hadwamed shortlybefore ofthe "alarming exacerbation" ofWashington's dismissal oftreaty obligations.' The operative principle was articulated by Dean Acheson in 1963 whenhe informedtheASILthatthe "propriety" ofaresponse to a "chal- lenge ... [to the] .. . power, position, andprestige oftheUnited States .. is not a legal issue." Intemational law, he had observed earlier, is useful "to gildourpositions withanethos derivedfromverygeneralmoralprinci- pieswhichhave affectedlegal doctrines."ButtheUS isnotboundby it. Acheson was referring specifically to the Cuba blockade. Cuba has 1 2 Noam Chomsky been one ofthe main targets ofUS terror and economic warfare for 40 years, even before the secret decision ofMarch 1960 to overthrow the government. The Cuban threat was identified by Arthur Schlesinger, re- porting the conclusions ofKennedy's LatinAmerican mission to the in- comingpresident: It is "the spreadoftheCastroidea oftakingmatters into one's own hands," whichmight stimulate the "poorand underprivileged" elsewhere, who "are now demanding opportunities for a decent living," — Schlesinger later elaborated the "virus" or "rotten apple" effect, as it is sometimes called. There was a Cold Warconnection: "The SovietUnion hovers inthe wings, flourishing large development loans andpresenting itselfas the model forachievingmodernizationina single generation."^ Unsurprisingly, the US assault became considerably harsher after the USSR disappeared from the scene. The measures have been near- universally condemned: by the UN, the European Union, the Organiza- tion ofAmerican States (OAS) and itsjudicial body, the Inter-American Juridical Committee, which ruledunanimously that they violate interna- tional law, as did the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. Few doubt that they would also be condemned by the World Trade Or- ganization (WTO), butWashingtonhas made itclearthat itwould disre- WTO gard any ruling, keeping to the rogue state principle. To mention another illustration of contemporary relevance, when Indonesia invaded East Timor in 1975 it was orderedto withdraw at once UN by the Security Council, butto no avail. The reasons were explained UN in his 1978 memoirs by Ambassador Daniel Patrick Moynihan: The United Stateswishedthings to turn outastheydid, andworked to bring this about. The Department of State desired that the United Nations prove utterly ineffective in whatever measures it undertook. This taskwas given to me, and I carried itforward with no inconsider- able success.'^ He goes on to report that within two months some 60,000 people had been killed. The numbers reached about 200,000 within a few years, thanks to increasing military support from the US, joined by Britain as atrocities peaked in 1978. Their support continued through 1999, as Kopassus commandoes, armed and trainedby the US, organized "Oper- ation Clean Sweep" from January, killing 3,000 to 5,000 people by Au- gust, according to credible Church sources, and later expelling 750,000 — — people 85 percent ofthe population and virtually destroying the

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