Proceedings of the Indiana Academy of Science

2007·9.9 MB·English

by  Indiana Academy of Science

Proceedings
of the
Academy
Indiana of Science
VOLUME NUMBER
116 2007 2
PROCEEDINGS OF THE INDIANA ACADEMY OF SCIENCE
The PROCEEDINGS OF THE INDIANA ACADEMY OF SCIENCE is a journal dedicated to
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Gene Kritsky (College ofMt. St. Joseph); StephenA. Perrill (ButlerUniversity); Paul Rothrock
(Taylor University); Thomas P. Simon (U.S. Fish & Wildlife Service, Bloomington); Michael
R. Tansey (Indiana University, Bloomington); Robert D. Waltz (Indiana Department ofNatural
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Coverphoto:Thephoto wastaken duringthe archeological study ofapioneerperiod house site (ca.
AD 1835) known as the Reddick Site. Underthe "St. Mary'sTreaty" signed in 1818, nativeAmeri-
cans surrendered the land in the central region ofthe new state ofIndiana to European-American
settlers. This site passed through several land owners and in 1903 was purchased by the United
States government for use as Fort Benjamin Harrison. This area became the Fort Harrison State
Park in Marion County, Indiana in 1995. The scene is the 100% surface collection ofartifacts, and
the orange flags mark the 1-meter units.This work was done by the Next Step Education Through
Archaeology project administered by Martin University. In 2006 it was shown that the areas that
were surface collected had not been plow disturbed, and may represent a natural deposit since the
Pleistocene. (See related article on page 1 17 ofthis issue.)
Visit the IndianaAcademy ofScience website at:
www.indianaacadcmyofscience.org
Publication date: 31 December2007
Thispapermeetsthe requirementofANSI/NISOZ39.48-1992(PermanenceofPaper).
ISSN 0073-6767
2007. Proceedings of the Indiana Academy of Science (1 16):1 17-125
PEOPLE, POTS, AND PROSPERITY: THE CERAMIC VALUE
INDEX AND AN ASSUMPTION OF ECONOMIC CLASS
James M. VanderVeen: Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Indiana
University South Bend, 1700 Mishawaka Avenue, South Bend, Indiana 46634-71
1 1
USA
ABSTRACT. The ceramic value index is a powerful empirical tool used in historical archaeology to
assess the required economic access necessary for a family or individual to accumulate specific household
goods. The focus of this method is primarily on the status of the artifact assemblage itself, however, and
not the people who acquired the objects. Since this measure of socioeconomic status is quantified onl\
through the pottery used by the site occupants, it may not take into account the various perspectives of
the occupants have towards their domestic vessels, nor does it consider the wider social context of the
study area. Although the formula has been used extensively in historic archaeology, this has been done
without significant critique. Sites from 19th-century Indiana are used here as examples of the potential
successes and failures of a formula built on the assumption that consumers utilize archaeological objects
for all the same reasons.
Key words. Socioeconomic status, historic ceramic vessels
AN EXPLANATION OF called cream color or CC, remained relatively
"CERAMIC VALUE" stable throughout the eighteenth and nine-
Many archaeologists have a special interest teenth centuries (Miller 1980. 1991a).
in ceramic objects, due in part to the durability Using the undecorated ware as a baseline.
and prevalence of the material in a historic Miller calculated the ratio ofthe price ofthree
site. Further, the form, function, and design of other categories ofdecoration to this baseline.
a ceramic vessel typically allow for interpre- He determined that the comparison of the
number and value of each type of decoration
tations of the passage of time, cultural affili-
ation, and categorically distinct activities. category could be used to construct a propor-
Like an archaeological version of the silicon tion of expensive to less expensive wares.
chip, a ceramic sherd, only a small piece of called a ceramic value index. In its most sim-
fired clay and temper, can hold a tremendous ple operation, the ceramic value index works
amount of data. like a weighted mean. The prices for each t\pe
There may be a great deal of additional in- are analyzed and scaled in reference to the
formation, however, that can be "read" from undecorated ware. An archaeologist need onl\
that sherd, with the proper tools. More than count the number of vessels in each level,
20 years ago, George Miller (1980, 1991a, b) multiply this count by the index value as-
created a method of classification and inter- signed to that level, sum the products and di-
pretation ofceramics that continues to be em- vide by the total number of vessels recovered
ployed by archaeologists. Working with doc- (see Miller 1991a for a full description of the
umentary records such as bills oflading, price formula).
lists of manufacturers and retailers, and ship Ceramic vessels take many forms. Some arc
manifests, Miller argued that the remains of basic utilitarian dishes needed b\ all. while
the domestic ceramic vessels reflect the socio- others may be high status lu\ur\ goods. The
economic status of households from which four decorative classes created by Miller
they were found. For example, he used Staf- (1980) cover the majority of table, kitchen.
fordshire price-fixing agreements to suggest and toilet wares recovered from across North
that vessel decoration related directly to its America during the late eighteenth to early
cost to the consumer (Miller 1980). Moreover. twentieth centuries. Since the pieces are ubiq-
the cost of the simplest undecorated ware. uitous and reflective of price, it was thought
117
118 PROCEEDINGS OF THE INDIANA ACADEMY OF SCIENCE
that "having internal value scale for ceramics by extension, may assist in determining a po-
[was] going to increase our ability to perform tential occupation of the settlers, the size of
socioeconomic analysis on archaeological col- the household structures, or even the number
lections" (Miller 1980). Indeed, the analyses of people in the family living there. Each of
occurred as predicted, as evidenced by the the above is a factor that contributes to socio-
number of studies in the past three decades economic status, in much the same way as the
that dealt with the different economic classes dollar value of the associated ceramic assem-
suggested by recovered ceramic artifacts (e.g., blage.
Adams & Boling 1989; Andrews & Fenton In the case of the Reddick site in Marion
2001; Stine 1990). The method was seen as County, Indiana, however, little information
an objective measure of the socioeconomic about house or family size is known. The sys-
status of a historical site, and was quickly tematic recovery of ceramics, and a smaller
adopted by researchers looking for a more number of architectural and domestic materi-
systematic, empirical procedure on which to als, has allowed a date ofapproximately 1845
base their claims. Yet it seems as if the focus to be assigned to the site (VanderVeen 2001).
of these studies was more on the status of the Aside from some later county atlases docu-
artifact assemblage than on the people to menting land ownership, and thus the name,
whom it belonged, as if the pottery had an to the first recorded European-American set-
agency of its own. The analysis was then ex- tlers in that area of the county, little else is
tended to the occupants and not the other way known about the site or its occupants. Census
around. The formula has been used extensive- data exist but cannot be reliably applied, for
ly in this way without much published criti- at the time it was a typical practice for an
cism (see Majewski & O'Brien 1987 for an individual or family to squat on land owned
exception). by others. Further, it was not uncommon for
This paper examines a few of the assump- an individual to purchase land speculatively
tions underlying the application of the index and not establish residence for some time, if
to all sites indiscriminately. It is not meant to at all. Thus the actual identities and number
refute the value of the method, nor is the in- of occupants of the site are unknown.
tent to discredit Miller. In fact, Miller himself What is known, however, is the history of
warns of relying on historic archaeological the land itself. With the "New Purchase" trea-
data without reference to documentary sourc- ty, signed in 1818, Native Americans surren-
es (1980, 1991a); and he has placed other ca- dered their land in the central region of the
veats on his technique (Miller & Hurry 1983). new state of Indiana to European-American
Instead, the objective is only to raise the yel- settlement. The area was formally opened for
low flag ofcaution in order to slow the speed- legal purchase in 1820, and prior to then it
ing analyses of socioeconomic status through may have been occupied by members of the
ceramics and warn the researchers of dangers Delaware, Miami, and Potawatomi nations, or
in the road. by illegal European-American settlers. Be-
AN APPLICATION OF THE INDEX TO A cause the site is located is within the swampy
PREVIOUSLY UNSTUDIED SITE eastern portion of Marion County, it was set-
tled more slowly than the rest of the county.
Aside from the date ofoccupation, very lit- According to an early history of the area,
tle is usually known about a small historic pe- many of the settlers were of Scottish, Irish,
riod archaeological site. It could be argued English, and German descent; and they pri-
that the ceramic value index is just the tool marily traveled west via the Ohio River from
needed to reach conclusions about the people Ohio, Pennsylvania, and the North Carolina
who lived there. After all, it has an ease of Piedmont (Sulgrove 1884).
application and a precedent for interpretation. The first documented European-American
If it were true that the style and number of settlers in the township were Elisha Reddick,
food serving and production dishes were an his wife Elizabeth, and their infant son. In
accurate measure of economic wealth, then 1832, Reddick purchased property from John
calculating the index would allow a researcher Johnson in the southwest quarter of Section
to ascertain the probable socioeconomic status 36 (Sulgrove 1884). Reddick and his brother
of the occupants of the site. This information, Joshua held the property until 1848, after
VANDERVEEN—PEOPLE, POTS, AND PROSPERITY 119
—
Table 1. Index Values for Recovered White the scale provided by Miller (1991a). Only re-
Earthenware Sherds at the Reddick Site. fined ware, typically tableware, was analyzed
this way, keeping with the procedure. The re-
Index Total sulting ceramic value index for the Reddick
Ceramic type Sherds value value site was 1.20.
Undecorated wares 511 1.00 51 1.00 IMPLICATIONS OF INDEXING
Minimally decorated
(total) 255 1.16 295.80 Naturally, there are some practical limita-
Annular/banded 78 tions to the methodology behind creating a ce-
Edge-decorated 69 ramic value index, as there are with many oth-
Mocha ware 14
er quantitative measures of social phenomena.
Monochrome glaze 26
Spattered/sponged 68 The mean ceramic value is based on the price
Painted 74 1.30 96.20 of the vessel at the time of the initial acqui-
Transfer-printed 80 2.50 200.00 sition. Yet heirloom pieces and gifts would be
Total 920 1095.68 examples of traditionally more expensive
dishes given at no cost to an individual or
family. More formal and more expensive ce-
ramics are also used less often and are more
which time it passed through a number of carefully curated by their owners, so they tend
owners until it was purchased in 1903 by the not to break as frequently as those used in
United States government for use as Fort Ben- everyday circumstances and therefore are less
jamin Harrison. Land surrounding the prop- well-represented in the archaeological record.
erty then became a state park in 1995. Of course, archaeological data are always in-
The site is situated on top of a ridge over- complete and may be biased due to site for-
looking Fall Creek and its flood plain, within mation processes such as selective discard and
the present boundaries of the state park. No scavenging (Schiffer 1972).
evidence of structural footings have been Another caveat is that some sherds may
found, but the type and distribution of the ar- have been misclassified as undecorated when.
tifacts suggest a small, possibly temporary in fact, they included a pattern that was not
residence. Enough brick has been recovered exhibited in the particularportion ofthe vessel
to indicate the likely presence of a hearth or that was recovered. Most vessels of the type
even a small chimney. Metal hardware and studied either show decoration over the whole
window glass also have been collected. Com- of the body, in which case the decoration
bined with the amount ofhousehold ceramics, would not be missed, or on the rim only. With
the archaeology attests to a modest domestic regards to the latter, a body sherd from a rim-
structure. decorated piece may be incorrectly typed, but
This is an ideal situation for the employ- even so, the value differences between undec-
ment of ceramics, by far the most common orated and minimally decorated vessels are
artifact, towards developing a picture of the relatively small.
people who lived on the site. The ceramic ma- Miller himself cautions about shortcoming
terial collected from three archaeological field of his method with regards to infrastructure,
seasons were analyzed using a version of market access, and economic isolation (Miller
Miller's formula revised by McBride & & Hurry 1983). Nevertheless, adequate trans-
McBride (1987) to better account for broken portation systems were in place in the Mid-
artifacts. The results ofthe formula as applied western United States by the earl) to middle
to sherd counts rather than whole vessel forms nineteenth century, and new types of ceramics
should be viewed cautiously, but previous re- would appear even in the most remote areas
search using this method found the results to within a few years of introduction in England
correspond with occupational levels at a de- (Lofstrum et al. 1976). Thus, the market ac-
gree similar to that of Miller's formula cess likely had little or no effect on the ce-
(McBride & McBride 1987; Huser 1993). As ramic value index. A review of the Indiana
seen in Table 1, the sherds were typed ac- Gazetteer, a director) of merchants and ser-
cording to level of decoration style and the vice providers, suggests the issue of distant
number within each level was multiplied by markets was not problematic for the Reddick
120 PROCEEDINGS OF THE INDIANA ACADEMY OF SCIENCE
—
site. At least four different retailers ofceramic Table 2. Listing of compared sites.
vessels, and "queensware" in particular, are
known to have establishments in the Indian- Mean ce-
apolis area by 1866 (Cowen 1866). Addition- Site name County ramic date Sherds
ally, many of the new residents of the area Conner Hamilton 1851.1 1281
had established connections with some of the Godeke Warrick 1845.3 1286
other vendors operating west of the Appala- Reddick Marion 1845.4 1536
chian Mountains. Richardville/
The economic center of a region is usually LaFontaine Huntington 1830-1870 2051
wealthier and more developed than those ar-
eas at the edges, and access to economic
goods is typically more restricted in the pe- cated on a ridge spur above the White River
riphery (Cressey et al. 1982). If a commodity valley in Hamilton County, immediately north
is not as readily available once people begin ofMarion County. The house is presently part
moving to less accessible areas, then value is of the grounds of the Conner Prairie Pioneer
added during the transportation of the item. Settlement, a living history museum.
Consequently, the price of a piece of pottery William Conner was born in Ohio and
may increase in proportion to the distance of around 1800 traveled to Indiana as a fur trad-
the supplier from the final point of purchase. er. Conner married a Native American woman
Some scholars, on the other hand, suggest that from the Delaware tribe with which he did
there is no "tyranny ofdistance" per se (e.g., business. His role in the government's rela-
Baugher & Venables 1987). Rather, the access tions with the Native American people re-
to a market has more to do with economic and mains subject to some debate. After his wife's
political considerations than does physical departure from Indiana with the rest of her
proximity. If someone can afford to purchase tribe, Conner married a European-American
an item, then "someone was ready, willing woman recently arrived from New York, and
and able to ship it" (Baugher & Venables eventually established a distillery and several
1987). mills. Finally, he served as a state represen-
COMPARATIVE SITES AND RESEARCH tative for several terms.
Conner's many descendants who occupied
DEVELOPMENTS
the house made their fortunes in medicine,
To control for the various issues, including politics, business, and the military. Conse-
the economic access present in this "border- quently, the Conner family, at least during the
land" of the period, the Reddick site is com- period examined here, were ofhigh economic
pared here with other frontier sites in Indiana. wealth and social status (Stine 1990).
Unfortunately, a very small number ofhistoric Godeke site: There was no standing struc-
sites within the state have properly docu- ture present at the Godeke site at the time of
mented archaeological investigations, and investigation, but several subsurface cultural
fewer still date as far back as the middle 19th features were found during excavation. The
century. Three such sites do exist that share area sits on a low hill about a kilometer east
with the Reddick site a similarity ofhouse lo- of Bluegrass Creek in Warrick County. Al-
cations, contemporaneous time period of oc- though little is known about the history ofthe
cupation, and number of recovered and ana- site, it is estimated to have been occupied be-
lyzed ceramic sherds (see Table 2). When tween about 1830 and 1860. Census records
possible, only information determined to be list the various owners of the property as
solely from the occupation context dating to farmers and as a store clerk, but the property
the appropriate time period was used. The de- owners might have leased the land to others.
scriptions below and data included in Table 2 Because of a number of assessments, includ-
are revised from the work ofHuser (1993) and ing the lack of permanent structural remains
Stillwell (1990). and occupational activities, the socioeconomic
William Conner house: Believed to be one status of the inhabitants of the Godeke site is
of the first brick buildings in Central Indiana, evaluated as rather low (Stine 1990).
the Conner house was constructed in 1823. Richardville/LaFontaine site: Currently,
Originally a rural family residence, it is lo- the house at the Richardville/LaFontaine site
VANDERVEEN—PEOPLE, POTS, AND PROSPERITY 121
—
Table 3. Comparison ofCeramic Value Indices. sherd counts indicates that ceramic values of
1.20 to 1.30 can be interpreted as "middle in-
Documented come level," while values above or below
Site name CVI occupation may be seen as "upper" and "lower class,"
Conner 1.41 Physician; politician respectively (McBride & McBride 1987).
Godeke 1.15 Farmer; clerk AN EXAMINATION OF THE
Reddick 1.20 Unknown
ASSUMPTIONS WITHIN "VALUE"
Richardville/
LaFontaine 1.39 Politician; merchant But what of the people who lived at the
sites? The process of assigning a ceramic val-
ue seems to be rather deterministic in that a
is a large, two-story wood-frame residence. collection of dishes defines the household.
The site is located at the confluence of the Through Miller's formula, the application of
Wabash River and the Little River, on a flat an easy and effective quantitative measure re-
plain in Huntington County. Some documen- moves the power of consumer choice and di-
tary evidence suggests that the house was minishes the effect of other, more intangible.
builtjust after the Miami ChiefJohn Richard- variables. Forexample, it could be argued that
ville moved his tribal council to the Forks of there is a "saturation point" of some sort with
the Wabash in 1831. Chief Richardville died regards to the presence of ceramic vessels, as
in 1841 and, while he possessed political pow- richer families will not continue to buy a new
er in his position with the Miami, his trade suite of place settings each year. After all.
business had been greatly depressed by the there is certainly a decreasing marginal utility
time of his death. Francis LaFontaine, Ri- for each additional ceramic dish purchased
chardville's son-in-law, assumed the duties of within a single household. Artifacts do not
tribal chief and inherited the section of land simply consume themselves (Cook et al.
on which the house stood. LaFontaine's own 1996). There are consumers apart from the
descendents continuously occupied the site commodities that must be given agency. Peo-
until the property passed out of tribal owner- ple make choices, and are motivated to make
ship early in the 20th century. those decisions for several reasons, deter-
The inclusion of the Richardville/La- mined by issues other than that of available
Fontaine site may be in some ways problem- economic wealth, or even class ideals. Fur-
atic. In strictly economic terms, chiefs Ri- thermore, although some tasks, demographics,
chardville and LaFontaine should certainly be and behaviors may be assigned to all of the
seen as part of the upper middle class (Stine members of a household, ever} individual in
1990). The ceramic value index of the site is that group does not necessarily share the same
not significantly different than that ofthe Con- status (Wall 1999). The assignment ofone lev-
ner site, and both houses were at one time el of "class" to the household is in man)
owned by politicians. Given their membership ways a simplification on the order of that
in an ethnic group different than that of the made by the once-a-decade census, and equal-
dominant society, however, the social status of ly as given to errors.
the Richardville/LaFontaine families is uncer- The role ofclass is given considerable pow-
tain. Because of their positions of power and er by researchers. Many proponents of objec-
respect within that minority, and the access tive measures ofclass report a strong relation-
and means to acquire expensive material ship exists between economic roles
goods, some may treat them as individuals of (occupation), social stratigraphy, and the ma-
high status. Still, the prestige given to them terial culture recovered from a site (e.g.. Xiek-
from members ofthe majority may be reduced olai 2003; Spencer-Wood & Heberling 198"").
due to their ethnicity, thus also reducing that but they refrain from discussing what consti-
high status. tutes these various elements. Since this paper
As seen in Table 3, the ceramic value index is meant to critique the assumptions of the ce-
of the sites appears to correlate with other ramic value index and its accepted relation-
models ofdetermining household wealth, such ship with class, socioeconomic status, and
as occupation and house size (Powers 1982). household wealth, the concepts of those terms
Previous research using the Miller analysis on must be defined, at least eenerallv.
122 PROCEEDINGS OF THE INDIANA ACADEMY OF SCIENCE
Human beings appear to crave categories, Yet research has shown that, in some instanc-
and they create classifications whenever pos- es, slaves had more expensive vessels than
sible to better understand the world. While their masters or many northern European-
these categories are not natural, they are often American farmers and business owners (e.g.,
rationalized as such in order to justify the re- Adams & Boling 1989). Whetherthe ceramics
stricted access to resources afforded to some were given to the slaves or bought on their
groups ofpeople (Beteille 1981). As for class, own through money earned by extra work, the
it is used to reflect a ranked social position, end result is that high ceramic value index
usually determined by wealth and occupation, scores were calculated for individuals with
but also based on prestige and family or social known low levels ofsocial status, at least with
ties (Wurst & Fitts 1999). Class distinctions reference to the dominant society. Ifthe slaves
are relative and may be linked further with indeed purchased the ceramics, one could as-
gender, race, and ethnicity. Regardless, when sume that the motivation was to convey a par-
a group shares a similar lifestyle based on ticular message, and not necessarily one of
their economic position, they likely see them- adoption or imitation of the particular stan-
selves as members of the same class (Powers dards of the slave owners. This symbolic
1982). meaning may not have been related to the
It is not necessary for income to dictate monetary value of the ceramics at all. Ceram-
class. Families with the same levels ofwealth ics may be emblems as much as everyday
may choose to spend money in different ways, utensils; they may possess symbolic value be-
for money alone does not equate with com- yond that of a simple indicator of economic
parable tastes. Some people are simply not in- wealth (Beaudry et al. 1991; Wall 1999).
terested in the approval oftheir peers and will Further, it is not always true that the ceram-
behave in a manner entirely to their own lik- ics assembled by a household will accurately
ing. What scholars typically put forth as reflect the socioeconomic status ofeach ofthe
"class" seems to be a manifestation of a members (Garrow 1987), since males and fe-
Bourdieu-like process of socialization, in males within the household may be seen as
which class members "learn" what posses- possessing different levels of "status." Al-
sions are held to be desirable or improper. A though the researcher assigns class, those be-
class, in this case, is defined "as much by its ing researched may not have necessarily be-
being per—ceived as by its being, as by its con- lieved in the same definitions, or even felt any
sumption which ne—ed not be conspicuous in pressure to behave as others did. Miller (Mill-
order to be symbolic as much by its position er & Hurry 1983) referred to this problem,
in the relations ofproduction (even ifit is true although not exactly in the same context as he
that the latter governs the former)" [emphasis intended. He used a documentary record that
in original] (Bourdieu 1984). In sum, a class showed that a particular settler became a
is what a person makes of it; and, as such, an wealthy landowner in an isolated area. This
empirical measure meant to calculate class man probably purchased the ceramics in his
across individual actors is bound to be mis- house piecemeal and not in sets, owing to the
leading. The important issues of perception, shortage of available commodities. Without
agency, and the complex symbolic nature of knowing the circumstances, the ceramic value
ceramics are concepts unfortunately not at- index calculated for the assemblage recovered
tended to by Miller's index; the commodities at this site could lead one to believe that the
present in an assemblage cannot objectively owner was from the lower class.
predict something as amorphous as socioeco- Finally, although wealth may allow one to
nomic status. Historical interpretations are purchase the "correct" symbols (a set of par-
never completely neutral (Nickolai 2003). ticular dishes for instance), it is the manifes-
The ceramic value index, with all its merits, tation of the symbolic behavior (such as table
is constructed on a number of assumptions manners and etiquette) that more clearly de-
that reduce its usefulness and should temper notes membership in particular classes to oth-
its results. For example, it is supposed that ers (Wurst & Fitts 1999). Status is defined by
economic wealth (or, even more accurately, more than money; it is also a social construct.
economic access) equates directly with the People are not the passive products of eco-
perceived social class (Wurst & Fitts 1999). nomic models; rather, they often tend to make
VANDERVEEN—PEOPLE, POTS, AND PROSPERITY 123
unpredictable choices concerning the reallo- rounding that income, the index has little or
cation of resources or the reinterpretation of no overall value, particularly in isolation. In-
the values of a particular class. In these in- dividuals may choose not to participate in the
stances, as well as many others, a household same discourse as the larger part of society,
may be in possession of considerable wealth, or they may select instead to challenge the
and even earn the respect or adoration oftheir status quo. At the scale of a single person or
neighbors, yet the resulting collection of ce- household, decisions could be made to trans-
ramics could very well be below any arbitrary late the accepted norms in a way that better
level demarcating their appropriate class. The reflects the needs and desires present at the
right set of dishes simply may not be a pri- time (Stine 1992). Both class and material cul-
ority, and assets are instead allocated else- ture can be social constructions.
where. Material culture may have different mean-
Based on its ceramics, the Reddick site was ings or functions depending on its users. Pro-
assigned to the level of lower middle socio- ducers may set the price ofan object, but they
economic status. Without many other docu- cannot control how the consumer ultimately
mentary sources on which to base an evalua- perceives and employs that item (Beaudry et
tion, this site could be categorized as a simple al. 1991). Archaeological and documentary
farmstead with little access to wealthy goods research can assist in providing context, but
and lacking in prestige, at least as viewed by only if the interpretations are made with re-
others in the area. Yet in actuality, the scale gards to the intrinsic distinctions meaningful
of socioeconomic status on which the index to the consumer. Aesthetic appeal or other
categorizes people is quite relative and pred- considerations are bundled with any object,
icated on the acceptance of people whom it and the choice of assigning importance to the
describes. Either of at least two opposing sit- different elements of a commodity resides
uations may be within the realm of possibili- with both the consumer and the surrounding
ties: the settlers of the site may have pos- culture; it is not fundamentally tied to the ob-
sessed little money but were seen as wealthy ject's function (Marshall & Maas 1997).
by other, poorer, inhabitants ofthe area, or the Accordingly, a modest alteration to the
same individuals may have had quite a sum problem of reading the ceramic value index
of money but no contact with others and thus calculated from the Reddick site is proposed:
no need to presenttheir wealth through ceram- an investigation into the life cycle of the
ics. Ifit is true that the "social interaction that house, the occupants, and the artifacts them-
marked class affiliation called for prescribed selves would provide the necessary context
behaviors, including participation in complex into which to place the index. For example.
dining rituals that required expensive items of an investigative technique that compares ce-
material culture" (Andrews & Fenton 2001), ramic utility wares to table wares could aid in
without the interaction there would be no need interpretation. In the case of the Reddick site.
for the dishes. Conversely, if the dishes did the ratio of unrefined ware to the total collec-
not exist, a "dining ritual" could still occur, tion (34.8%) is much higher than that found
only shifted in its emphasis or alternatives for in the comparison sites (ranging from approx-
the dishes used. In each of the instances, the imately 9-22%) (Huser 1993: Stillwell 1990).
ceramic value index would not accurately rep- While unrefined ceramics, like undecorated
resent the truth of the situation. stoneware or redware. are needed to cook and
RECOGNIZING SELF-DEFINED store food, and are thus typically present at
"CLASS" THROUGH WARE RATIOS certain levels in all households, refined ware
is different. It includes types of ceramic ves-
It appears that the employment and inter- sels that would likely be used to serve food,
pretation of the index relies heavi—ly on the especially the types known as whiteware.
central tenet of all archaeology context. pearlware, and yellowware. The clay body in
Class values can be reflected in the choice of these wares is thinner, with fewer large inclu-
particular ceramics, just as income levels can sions, and the vessels tend to be much more
also be represented in the total assemblage. highly decorated than unrefined ware. The
Because it cannot understand the motivation more fragile and decorative serving dishes are
behind that choice, or the circumstances sur- then used for less practical purposes and may
124 PROCEEDINGS OF THE INDIANA ACADEMY OF SCIENCE
be employed to show status or reflect other orated vessels could be from isolation, frugal-
values important to the owners. A high ratio ity, preference, or simply convenience. Selec-
of production to serving vessels could mean tion of commercial goods may be based on
that the inhabitants of the site had few oppor- more than levels of wealth.
tunities to host their neighbors, or little incli- In conclusion, historical archaeologists
nation. must link consumer choices of ceramics, or
Further research concerning the frequency any commodity, to individual acts as well as
of unrefined ware corroborates the belief that to the function of that particular good. Con-
the site may have been relatively isolated at sumption of goods extends beyond the eco-
the time of occupation. Typically, there is nomic realm and is found within the social
more evidence of home-canned goods at res- domain as well (Cook et al. 1996). The cate-
idences during this period than appears in the gories of material culture constructed by in-
archaeological record of the Reddick site dividuals constantly shifts over time and
(William Wepler pers. commun.). The abun- across space, and people often manipulate the
dance of redware could lead one to think that meanings of artifacts while negotiating the
those within the household did much of the concepts of class and status (Wurst & Fitts
food production at the site or nearby. Either 1999). Relying on one "objective" method,
way, this would suggest at least one behavior then, is inadequate to measure this variation,
in which there was a lack of interaction with especially if it decontextualizes that which is
others in the area. supposed to be studied. The goal of the re-
As for the domestic economy, it is interest- search instead should be to look at the pro-
ing that economic status is usually inferred venience of any suspected prosperity, to see
from the occupation ofthe male ofthe house- the person, as well as the pot.
hold, while the ceramic tableware, at the time
more of a woman's domain, is the feature an- LITERATURE CITED
alyzed to support the class membership (Cook Adams, W.H. & S.J. Boling. 1989. Status and ce-
et al. 1996; Wall 1994). Ceramics are then ramics for planters and slaves on three Georgia
"translated" into monetary value and "thus coastal plantations. Historical Archaeology
converted back into a measure ofthe status of 23(l):69-96.
the breadwinner" (Cook et al. 1996). More- Andrews, S.C. & J.P Fenton. 2001. Archaeology
over, women are said to have orchestrated and the invisible man: The role of slavery in the
meals as rituals during this period in history production ofwealth and social class inthe Blue-
(Klein 1991). Particular forms ofbehavior are grass Region of Kentucky, 1820 to 1870. World
used to create or affirm the values ofthe fam- Archaeology 33:115-135.
ily (Wall 1999), as those outside the family Baugher, S. & R.W. Venables. 1987. Ceramics as
often view indicators like the lack of table tiundriycaNteorws Yoofrks.tatPups.a3n1d-5c4l,asIsniCnoneisguhmteeerntChh-ociecne-
manners as an indication of poor upbringing.
The role ofwomen is unknown at the Reddick eidn.)H.isPtloreincualmAPrrceshsa,eoNleogwy.Yo(rSk..M. Spencer-Wood,
site; the rare census records show no wife for Beaudry, M.C., L.J. Cook & S.A. Mrozowski.
Elisha Reddick's brother, if that is who lived 1991. Artifacts and active voices: Material cul-
at the site. ture as social discourse. Pp. 150-191, In TheAr-
Finally, the artifactual remains at the site chaeology of Inequality. (R.H. McGuire & R.
imply that the dwelling might have been Paynter, eds.). Basil Blackwell, Oxford, England.
meant only for temporary or short-term use. Beteille, A. 1981. The idea of natural inequality.
There is a diversity of domestic refuse, but a Pp. 59-80, In Social Inequality: Comparative
low number of architectural elements, and, as andDevelopmental Approaches. (G. Berreman&
ocofnfyiedt,entnloy plroicvaytedo.r Soou,tbiufiltdhiengsstruhcatvuerebweaesn BoumKr.edniZteaur,oeftPs.Tkays1,t9e8e.4ds..()RA..ASNcoiaccidea,elmtiCrcarnistPlir.eq).suse,HaoNfrevtawhredYJoUurndkig.--
used for only a short while, by individuals
versity Press, Cambridge.
new to the area, and without the "refining" Cook, L.J., R. Yamin & J.P. McCarthy. 1996.
influence of female companionship (Worthy Shopping as meaningful action: Toward a redef-
1982), the ceramic value index for the site inition ofconsumption in historical archaeology.
may not accurately reflect the wealth or status Historical Archaeology 30(4):50-65.
of the occupants. The low proportion of dec- Cowen, M.V.B. 1866. The Indiana State Gazetteer