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Libya in the Arab Spring Nadine Schnelzer Libya in the Arab Spring The Constitutional Discourse since the Fall of Gaddafi Nadine Schnelzer Erlangen, Germany ISBN 978-3-658-11381-0 ISBN 978-3-658-11382-7 (eBook) DOI 10.1007/978-3-658-11382-7 Library of Congress Control Number: 2015950194 Springer VS © Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden 2016 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, speci(cid:191) cally the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illus- trations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on micro(cid:191) lms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a speci(cid:191) c statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. Printed on acid-free paper Springer VS is a brand of Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden is part of Springer Science+Business Media (www.springer.com) Acknowledgements I wish to take this opportunity to thank those who particularly supported me on mywaytothiswork.Firstandforemost,IwishtothankmylateprofessorChris- toph Schumann. His philosophical digressions in class and his invitations to see thingsdifferentlywereanimportantreasonwhyIbecamesoabsorbedbymystud- ies. This book is a monograph, but several people have provided me with indis- pensable support on writing it. I extend my thanks to my academic supervisor, DrJörnThielmann,forsupportingmywork.AyatMneinafromtheLibyanYouth Movement,whomImetatanexhibitiononLibya’shistoryinOslo,putconsider- abletimeandeffortintometiculouslyreadingandcommentingonthemanuscript. I very highly value her positive feedback. For proofreading, I owe gratitude to KateHunter.IthankSpringerVSforpublishingthisbook. Erlangen,April2015 NadineSchnelzer ForProf.DrChristophSchumann, who fathered myintellectual development. Contents 1 Introduction ......................................................................................... 11 2 State of Research, Theoretical Assumptions, Methodology ............. 17 3 From the Monarchy to the Fall of Gaddafi ....................................... 31 3.1 Libya as a Federal Monarchy ..................................................... 31 3.2 Totalitarian, Centralist State under Gaddafi ............................... 33 3.3 Phases of Totalitarian Rule ......................................................... 36 3.4 Collapse and New Beginning from 2011 ................................... 38 4 Libya’s Society ..................................................................................... 41 4.1 National Unity ............................................................................ 41 4.2 Neo-Tribal Associations in Libya .............................................. 43 4.3 Religious Aspects ....................................................................... 47 4.4 Ethnic Minorities ........................................................................ 49 4.5 Women ......................................................................................... 51 5 The Libyan Constitutional Discourse ................................................ 55 5.1 From NTC to Constitutional Committee Election ...................... 56 5.2 Public Spheres and Addressees .................................................. 58 5.3 New Actors and Political System ............................................... 59 5.3.1 Islamist Current ............................................................... 63 5.3.2 Civil Society Organisations ............................................ 66 5.4 Discursive Threads ..................................................................... 67 5.4.1 Democracy ...................................................................... 68 5.4.2 Federalism, Decentralisation, Localisation ..................... 70 5.4.3 The Role of Religion in Politics ...................................... 75 5.4.4 The Role of Women ........................................................ 78 5.4.5 Recognition of Identity ................................................... 84 6 Conclusion ............................................................................................ 89 Bibliography .................................................................................................... 93 Appendix ........................................................................................................ 103 9 Theruler'scloakdidnotsimplyclingtohisbodynow.Theleathernrobewasno longeratightgarmentashehadoriginallythoughtitwouldbe.Ithadactually turnedintoasecondskin.Indeed,itwashisskinnow. Ibrahimal-Koni,DasHerrscherkleid 1 Introduction FromFebruaryuntilOctober2011,acivilwar1waswagedinLibya.Theinterfer- enceofNATOhelpeddecidethewarinfavouroftherevolutionaries.Theoutcome wasthetotaldestructionofgovernmentandadministrativeinstitutionsaswellas thedeathofMuammarGaddafiandthelapseofhisideologyaslaiddowninthe GreenBook.NowLibyaisinneedofanewconstitution. Uptonow,nonewconstitutionhasbeendraftedandtheConstitutionalDec- larationdeliveredon3August2011bytheNationalTransitionalCouncil(NTC) has been the framework of reference. Since 2011, there have been two general elections,thefirsttotheGeneralNationalCongress(GNC)andthesecondtothe Constitutional Committee. The delayinthe constitutionalprocesshasleftnewly createdinstitutionswithlittlelegitimacy,buthasalsogiventheconstitutionalde- bate time to flourish. The totaldestructionof the politicalsystem under Gaddafi necessitatesand opensthe door to a newinstitutionaldesign. While the political systemmustbecreatedfromscratch,thepoliticalpersonnelarestillthere.Some have resurfaced from exile, some already held positions in the Gaddafi era, and othersarenewcomerstothepoliticalscene.Theycompeteforpositonsandinflu- ence in the ‘new’ Libya, relying on armed brigades, or militia, to throw weight behindtheirdemands.Atthesametime,NGOshavemushroomed,ashaveother organisationsandeventstodiscussthe futureofLibya.The wholecountryisin- volvedinadiscourseabouthowLibyashouldbeconstituted. 1Theauthor’suseofthetermsrevolution,civilwaranduprisingfollowWolframLacher's use:LacherreferstoCharlesTillyanddefinesrevolutionasasituationinwhichcontenders raisecompetingclaimstocontrolthestate,asignificantsegmentofthepopulationcommits tothoseclaimsandtherulersareunableorunwillingtosuppressthatchallenge.InLibya, wecanalsospeakofarevolutionduetothecompletecollapseofthepoliticalorder,neces- sitatingtheestablishmentofaneworder,andwithrespecttothesacrificesofthosewho tookpartintheuprising.Acivilwar,inshort,meansmilitaryactionwithinastatewiththe participation of the government and at least 1,000 deaths in total per year. Uprising is a moregenerictermfortheeventsthathaveunfoldedsinceFebruary2011,startinginBen- ghazi.(Lacher2013a,pp.168–169) 11 N. Schnelzer, Libya in the Arab Spring, DOI 10.1007/978-3-658-11382-7_1, © Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden 2016 This research paper aims at portraying the Libyan constitutional discourse since2011.Whoarethekeyactorsandcentralissuesdiscussed,andhowdoesthe developmentofthediscourse relatetoLibya’shistoryandsociety?Theperspec- tive fromthe origin of the debate rather than an anticipated future will focus on theprogressratherthanfailureofpoliticaldevelopmentsinLibya. Ahistoricisa- tionoftheconstitutionaldiscoursereducestheleveragefornormativecriticismof thecourseLibyahastaken.Adiscourse-theoreticalviewpointalsohighlightsthe longevityofanydiscourse,sincediscoursescanlastsolongthattheytakeonthe airofnaturallaws:“Byconstantrepetition,thosepracticesdevelopintostructures intheformofdiscourseswhichcanbecomesonaturalthatweabstractfromtheir societal origins, that the latter are forgotten and seem to be natural laws” (Be- lina / Dzudzek 2009, p. 131). Moreover, understanding in the true sense of it as defined byHannah Arendt requires context. Ideas, concepts and images integral to a culture must be familiar to the interpreter to make sense of things (Richter 2004,p.15).Thedemandforfederalism,forexample,raisedintheconstitutional discourse bears no meaning in itself and must be put into the specific historical contextofLibya. In this study, members of the transitional law-making institutions and their militia supporters as well as civil society representatives and influential figures fromthespectrumofpoliticizedIslamareidentifiedaskeyactorsintheconstitu- tionaldiscourse.Socio-politicalcleavagesandkeyissuesintheconstitutionalde- batearedemocracy,federalismanddecentralization,theroleofreligioninpolitics, the political inclusion of women and minority rights. Besides, a look at the lan- guage usedandpublic addressedbyparticipantsinthediscourse willrevealrec- ognizeddecision-makinginstances.Theapplicationofdiscoursetheorymakesit possibletogarnervisionsand expectationsofanewconstitution2thatwouldnot lendthemselvestoobservationandresearchifonlythosevoicedinofficialdocu- mentsorateventsdiscussingthenewconstitutionwereconsidered.Demandsre- latingtotheconstitutionarealsomadeincontextsandontopicsthatareseemingly unrelatedtothedraftingoftheconstitution.Drawingontheessentialassumption ofcriticaldiscoursetheorythatdiscourseisshapedbyandshapessociety,itwill be evidenced that the discourse evolving around the future constitution itself shapes not onlythe constitution-drafting process, but also creates facts that con- tributetothecurrentandfutureconstitutionofLibya.Asanexample,thedebate aboutthequotaofseatsreservedforwomeninelectionstotheGNCwasboththe 2 Theterm‘constitution’hasadoublemeaning: itstandsbothforalegal document that laysdown,amongotherthings,thepoliticalsystemofastateaswellasastateandcondi- tion. 12

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This book sketches the discourse about a new constitution in Libya since 2011. Applying a discourse analytical approach, the author identifies societal cleavages that have come to the fore in Libya’s transitional period. The debate has focused on democracy, federalism, decentralisation and localis
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