Identity, Citizenship, and Violence in Two Sudans: Reimagining a Common Future

180 Pages·2013·1.056 MB·English

by  Amir Idris (auth.)

Identity, Citizenship, and Violence in Two Sudans
DOI: 10.1057/9781137371799
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DOI: 10.1057/9781137371799
Identity, Citizenship,
and Violence in Two
Sudans: Reimagining a
Common Future
Amir Idris
DOI: 10.1057/9781137371799
identity, citizenship, and violence in two sudans
© Amir Idris, 2013.
Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 2013 ISBN 978-1-137-37178-2
All rights reserved.
First published in 2013 by
PALGRAVE MACMILLAN®
in the United States—a division of St. Martin’s Press LLC,
175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010.
Where this book is distributed in the UK, Europe and the rest of the world,
this is by Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmillan Publishers Limited,
registered in England, company number 785998, of Houndmills, Basingstoke,
Hampshire RG21 6XS.
Palgrave Macmillan is the global academic imprint of the above companies
and has companies and representatives throughout the world.
Palgrave® and Macmillan® are registered trademarks in the United States,
the United Kingdom, Europe and other countries.
ISBN: 978–1–137–37179–9 PDF
ISBN: 978–1–349–47579–7
DOI: 10.1057/9781137371799
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available from the
Library of Congress.
A catalogue record of the book is available from the British Library.
First edition: 2013
www.palgrave.com/pivot
Contents
Preface and Acknowledgments vi
List of Abbreviations ix
Introduction 1
1 Citizenship, Identity, and the State:
The Theoretical Interface 11
2 The Burden of History: Slavery and
Colonialism 35
3 The Curse of Exclusive Nationalism:
National Identity and Citizenship 62
4 The Rise of Protest Movements in Southern
Sudan and Darfur 87
5 Reimagining a Common Future for Two
Sudans 114
Conclusion: The Way Forward 141
Selected Bibliography 152
Index 163
DOI: 10.1057/9781137371799 v
Preface and Acknowledgments
For much of my academic life, I have made as my aca-
demic vocation the question of political violence in
Sudan, which manifested into more than three decades of
civil war between the North and the South. My intention
in doing so is to contribute to the debate on the future of
the Sudan by offering an alternative understanding and
interpretation of the root causes of the problem. I have
consistently argued for a new way of thinking that allows
Sudanese to address their national problem and to seek
inclusive options to perfect their polity. In reality, how-
ever, the postcolonial state in Sudan made this possibility
unattainable and forced people of Southern Sudan to
secede and declare South Sudan as the newly independ-
ent state in July 2011. But the split of the country into two
independent states in my view is not the end of history.
Rather, it is the beginning of a new chapter in the history
of South Sudan and Sudan. Yet, this new chapter of his-
tory cannot be written and conceived from the perspec-
tive of old Sudan which led to the session of the South in
the first place. The task of rebuilding an inclusive nation
and polity in both countries is not only a political project
but also an intellectual endeavor calling for honest and
imaginative reflection on the past and the present.
The intensity of the political debate about the future of
the North and the South after the referendum of Southern
Sudan made me reflect on how ethnic and racial identi-
ties were deployed to advance narrow political interests.
I noticed that much of the discussion on the referendum
focused on the political consequences of the South’s
vi DOI: 10.1057/9781137371799
Preface and Acknowledgments vii
decision. Very little discussion highlighted the plight of those who
belong to both regions. It became clear to me that the voices of those
who were silent by those who feel comfortable in their single identities
were absent. I was born and raised in the North by two parents who
came from two different experiences, histories, and identities. My father
came to the North from the South and my mother was born and raised
in the North. I am married to a woman who defines herself as South
Sudanese. Our two children embrace Canada and the United States as
their two homes. Despite the rising political violence in my birthplace, I
feel hopeful about the future of our common humanity when I watch my
little daughter playing with her class mates. Differences in skin color, tra-
dition, and religion as well as place of origin do not prevent them from
sharing the space and making their future together. Their cultural and
racial differences become sources of strength rather than weaknesses.
This book is written from the lens of someone like myself who belongs to
multiple identities and spaces. My fragmented identities have informed
my research, thinking, and writing about the past, the present, and the
future of two Sudans. I subscribe to the view that individuals sometimes
might need to question or reshape their comfortable identities and see
beyond them to discover what they share with others.
The split of the country into two independent states, South Sudan and
Sudan, neither lessens the tension between the supposedly two different
regions in terms of identities nor mitigates the political violence in both
states. Instead, the two countries have begun to face multiple economic,
political, and security challenges which might threaten their stability
and integrity. For instance, the failure of the state to embrace diversity
and cherish values of justice, equality, freedom, and inclusive citizenship
has also led to political violence in Darfur, Southern Kordofan, and Blue
Nile states with devastating human consequences. The unintended result
of the heightening of violence and the politics of exclusion in Sudan
and South Sudan is the hardening of racial and ethnic identities in both
countries respectively. The policies of both governments have forced
groups and individuals to take refuge in politicized conflictual group
identities. The ideal solution is the cultivation of a new state project for
each state that has the capacity to embrace both individuals and groups
who want to make a destiny with either Sudan or South Sudan or both
of them.
This book has benefited from a series of conversations with my
academic colleagues and fellow Sudanese and South Sudanese who
DOI: 10.1057/9781137371799
viii Preface and Acknowledgments
generously shared their perspectives on issues related to the subject
of the book. I am very grateful to some of my colleagues who greatly
enrich the quality of my ideas by sharing their views on the future of
both countries in various meetings and conferences that brought us
together. They include Ali Dinar, Benaiah Yongo-Bure, Amal Fadlalla,
Lako Tongun, Scopas Poggo, and Jane Edward. A circle of friends and
colleagues inspired me, through their writing and mutual intellectual
exchanges, to write this book. At the risk of offending a number of my
colleagues and friends, I have to single out a few individuals in order to
express my gratitude: Francis M. Deng, Mahmood Mamdani, Elwathig
Kamier, Bob Shenton, Taisier M. Ali, Ruth Iyob, Suliman Baldo, to men-
tion a few. I thank all of them, as I take both the credit and criticism for
the final product.
I also want to express my gratitude to a number of students who took
courses with me in African history and politics at Fordham University
and from whom I learnt a great deal. My colleagues at the Department
of African and African American Studies at Fordham, Mark Naison in
particular, offered their guidance and support throughout the process
of researching and writing the manuscript. As I thank my students and
colleagues, I also have to thank those who continue to help me in vari-
ous parts of Sudan and South Sudan in the ever ending task of seeking
answers to complex questions.
My friend and colleague Yuusuf Caruso at Columbia University
provided critical editorial assistance. My editor guided me through the
production process. I thank Palgrave Macmillan for a thorough review
process which helped improve the manuscript considerably. I also thank
Cambridge University Press for permitting me to include my published
article, “Rethinking Identity, Citizenship, and Violence in Sudan”, in this
book.
Finally, I thank my family for their support throughout the research
and writing of this book. All mistakes and shortcomings remaining in
the book are, of course, mine.
DOI: 10.1057/9781137371799
List of Abbreviations
CPA Comprehensive Peace Agreement
CSIS Center for Strategic and International Studies
DLF Darfur Liberation Front
FRD Front for the Renaissance of Darfur
GGC Graduates’ General Congress
GNU Government of National Unity
GoS Government of Sudan
HEC High Executive Council
ICC International Criminal Court
JEM Justice and Equality Movement
NCP National Congress Party
NIF National Islamic Front
PDF Popular Defence Forces
SACDNU Sudan African Closed District National Union
SANU Sudan African National Union
SLA/M Sudan Liberation Army/Movement
SPLM/A Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army
TRC Truth and Reconciliation Commission
DOI: 10.1057/9781137371799 ix