FOUNDATIONAL EPISTEMOLOGIES IN CONSUMPTION THEORY Alan Storkey © Alan Storkey page 1 VU University Press is an imprint of: VU Boekhandel/Uitgeverij bv De Boelelaan 1105 1081 HV Amsterdam The Netherlands tel. (0)20-6444355 fax (0)20-6462719 ISBN © Alan Storkey, London, 1993 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be repreduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission from the copyright holder. This e-version published on www.allofliferedeemed.co.uk/storkey.htm with permission of Alan Storkey ©2010 © Alan Storkey page 2 VRIJE UNIVERSITEIT TE AMSTERDAM FOUNDATIONAL EPISTEMOLOGIES IN CONSUMPTION THEORY ACADEMISCH PROEFSCHRIFT ter verkrijging van de graad van doctor aan de Vrije Universiteit te Amsterdam, op gezag van de rector magnificus dr. C. Datema, hoogleraar aan de faculteit der letteren, in het openbaar te verdedigen ten overstaan van de promotiecommissie van de faculteit der sociaal-culturele Wetenschappen op woensdag 17 november 1993 te 15.30 uur in het hoofgebouw van de universiteit, De Boelaan 1105 door Alan James Storkey geboren te London © Alan Storkey page 3 Promotoren: prof. dr. B Goudzwaard prof. dr. S Griffioen prof. dr. B Kee Referent: prof. dr. D Th Kuiper © Alan Storkey page 4 Preface and Acknowledgements The genesis of this study was a period in 1966-7 when I was especially involved in epistemological issues, partly through attending seminars run by Popper, Lakatos and Winch and partly through discussions with Elaine on her work on Wittgenstein. One of the outcomes was a long paper on the different epistemologies embodied in the various movements of modern art circulated by Hans Rookmaaker. Elaine and I then continued to work through a variety of epistemological issues in relation to British and Dutch Christian philosophy, and to develop a Christian evaluation of theories of knowledge used in the social sciences. In the 1970s, partly in relation to Tony Cramp's pathbreaking Cambridge lectures, it was articulated into a critique of some of the trends in economic and sociological thinking, expressed in embryo in chapter 3 of A Christian Social Perspective. This emerged as part of the background critique developed with the Calvin College Centre team of George Monsma, John Tiemstra, Karl Sinke and Fred Graham in 1980/1, and it was during this time that the ideas began to be shared with Bob Goudzwaard, whose thinking has deepened and opened the perspective considerably. At the end of that year Bob offered to supervise the study. The focus on consumption theory grew out of an interest at Cambridge, a later focus on the sociology of the family and the institutional reformulation which is present in the Calvin College team's Reforming Economics. The study has developed over the last decade in work with Bob Goudzwaard, and also with Sander Griffioen and Bas Kee, who have also contributed much to its formulation. Although post-modernism has been slower emerging in economics, it is now beginning to be clear how deep the critical reflection will need to be, and this study is offered as part of that process. Thanks for many of the resources of this study are due especially to the following libraries and those who work within them: Sheffield University, Calvin College, Gordon College, Oak Hill College, and especially the British Library of Political and Economic Science at the LSE and Cambridge University Library. The privilege of working with Bob Goudzwaard, Sander Griffioen and Bas Kee on this topic goes far beyond the scope of the actual work itself and I thank them for what they have shared, for their insights, scholarship and friendship. I am also grateful to those mentioned earlier and to many others for discussions and insights, and to Calvin College and Oak Hill College for research time. Finally, I give intimate thanks to my Father and Mother for long term encouragement, to Amos, Matthew and Caleb for the willingness to discuss issues and provide technical support, to Elaine for her love, faith, thought and commitment to this endeavour, and centrally to God as the source of knowledge, contaminated though it is by our weaknesses. © Alan Storkey page 5 Contents Preface and Acknowledgements.............................................................................................5 Introduction.............................................................................................................................8 Chapter one: Foundationalism and Consumption Theory.....................................................12 Theory as a Path.................................................................................................................. 12 The Public Affairs Economists.............................................................................................. 21 The Search for Academic Recognition..................................................................................23 Locating the Problems of Knowledge................................................................................... 30 The Failure of Foundationalism............................................................................................ 44 Introduction...........................................................................................................................64 Rationalism as a Foundational Epistemology....................................................................... 66 Its Origins and Development................................................................................................ 97 Subjective Kantianism........................................................................................................ 125 Chapter three: Positivism and Consumption Theory...........................................................144 Introduction and Background..............................................................................................144 Attempts at the Foundation.................................................................................................151 Logic and Positivism...........................................................................................................170 Popper and the Break with Inductivism...............................................................................178 Probable Certainty..............................................................................................................187 Background........................................................................................................................ 198 The Epistemological Base.................................................................................................. 202 The Cambridge School.......................................................................................................207 Mill and the Foundation of Causal Epistemology.å............................................................. 210 Mill's Epistemology in Economics and Consumption Theory...............................................213 Marshall's Consumption Theory..........................................................................................221 Behaviourism......................................................................................................................240 Consumer Behaviourism.................................................................................................... 246 Review of Foundationalism.................................................................................................256 A Christian Diagnosis of Foundationalism.......................................................................... 262 Bibliographies.....................................................................................................................314 Index.................................................................................................................................. 349 © Alan Storkey page 6 © Alan Storkey page 7 Introduction This study has a shape which is unusual, and it is good at the beginning to share a strategic view of its scope and intentions. The subject matter is consumption theory as it has developed in economics from the 1870s to recent times, what could be called 'modern consumption theory'. The focus of the study is on the epistemological construction of that theory, and as such forms part of the growing interest in the philosophy of economic science which has been fostered by Hutchinson, Blaug, Caldwell, Carabelli and others. It carries the concerns of these theorists further by articulating the epistemological issues in relation not to a single theorist or period but to a subdiscipline of economics. It also has something in common with post-modernist critiques in bringing into question long-term orthodox constructs which have had authority in areas of academic study. The central thesis is that much of consumption theory has been definitively shaped by a drive to establish epistemological security, what is here called a 'foundational' drive, which has distorted its development. As a result the basis of this subdiscipline is suspect in a way which damages its ability to address the issues of consumption which are thrown up by the domain of study. However, the aim of the critique is to open up the possibility of a reconstituted view of consumption theory itself, and this is the intention especially of the last chapter. Such an initial terse account needs to be filled out by a more discursive narrative of the book. The first chapter sets the scene by reinterpreting the dominant way of seeing the growth of modern economic theory, that is as a progressive refinement of scientific knowledge. This view, assumed by Schumpeter, Samuelson and many others fails to allow the possibility that the discipline has, in part, been developing on the basis of progressively compounded errors. To investigate this possibility the study steps back into the era of classical economics and identifies a series of problems which theorists of the time faced which added up to a crisis for economics threatening its very existence as a discipline. The response to this first crisis, it is suggested, was to develop a conception of economic science which would allow the discipline to survive in the academic climate of its day. This involved establishing some kind of unassailable authority for the theory advanced as knowledge. The early neo- classical theorists tried to do this by adopting foundational theories of knowledge which would guarantee the validity of the theory they developed. These foundational positions have become the dominant orthodoxies within consumption theory over the last hundred years or so, when it has seemed as though the foundational move was a resounding success. Actually, however, it may have been a flawed academic response which has left the discipline, and especially consumption theory, with a series of internal problems. These have developed into a second crisis no less serious than the first, and like the former it has not been consciously addressed in a systematic way. Only gradually have the underlying problems become more evident and their Êtiology is traced in detail in chapters two, three and four. © Alan Storkey page 8 The first chapter, to provide a basis for telling this story, articulates in some detail what this foundational move entailed. It was not only an economic response but picked up on wider trends in academic culture which followed from similar crises of belief and knowledge in other areas. The idea of 'foundationalism' needs some clarification. It is a concept which has been employed by a number of philosophers of science and increasingly by post-modernists with various meanings which involve family resemblances but are not identical. The meaning employed here shows similar concerns, but has a slightly different intent. It is used to bring together and define what in retrospect turns out to be an astonishing modern preoccupation of thought seeking to establish an indubitable basis for knowledge in the human sciences. It is not limited to economics, but can also be seen as having influence in sociology, psychology, linguistics, history, politics and other social sciences. This study does no more than touch on these possibilities, but it does raise the likelihood that studies in other disciplines and subdisciplines could reveal a pattern which is similar. The first chapter identifies and defines the foundational response and examines some of the key structural problems which follow from adopting it as a basis for (economic) theory. The tenor of the critique of foundationalism can also be described. It suggests that the problem in theory formation is deeper than can be met by combining different approaches; there are certain generic problems, like the otherworldliness of theory, methodological dogmatism, the exclusivity of data, boundary disputes, and value-freedom which create insoluble dilemmas for the discipline. After exploring these possibilities in principle, the first chapter finally traces the early emergence of consumption theory in the second half of the 19th century and suggests how it was likely to be influenced by foundationalism. Consumption theory is perhaps a favourable case. It emerged when foundationalism, as here described, was also taking shape, and its whole career has therefore been shaped within this kind of search for economic knowledge. In other areas of economics like production theory or international trade the effect might have been less decisive because of the earlier crystallisation of theoretical issues. To some extent this study remains agnostic about the weight of the influence of foundationalism in other disciplines, in wider economic theory and even in consumption theory. By focussing on the developments in consumption theory which are more obviously foundational, it tends to give less substantive treatment to other streams of thought which are not epistemologically based. In so doing it "conforms" to orthodoxy while offering a critique of it. Post-Keynesians and others have sought to study an alternative tradition of theorists who have different perspectives to offer. This task is not undertaken here; the emphasis is rather on uncovering the fundamental epistemological mistakes to see what can be learned through them. Although they may be particularly relevant to consumption theory, others working in the epistemology of economics are convinced that the extent to which theories of knowledge have shaped the development of the discipline is still widely underestimated. (Carabelli 1988 1-13) This study merely suggests foundational theories have had a debilitating effect on consumption theory, but the © Alan Storkey page 9 ramifications may be much wider. The foundational move did not, however, result in one pattern of theoretical development. There were actually a variety of responses which theorists believed provided an infallible foundation for knowledge, and the next three chapters look at the main traditions exemplifying these responses - rationalism, positivism and causal-behavioural views of knowledge. Throughout each of these chapters a particular argument is mounted. The need for epistemological certainty is seen as pushing theorists to pursue their kind of foundationalism, often drawing on philosophers or philosophers of science who were available in their academic culture. This in turn shaped the kind of theory seen as necessary and valid, and each of these views of theory was then held dogmatically over against the other kinds which were also around. Thus, a picture emerges of a subdiscipline which fractured into more and more theoretical empires, each of which owed allegiance to its own foundation. Yet because the fundamental epistemological dogmatism of each of these positions was not recognized or admitted, the possibility of meaningful debate among consumption theorists was continually curtailed. Evidence is presented not just of noncomprehension across major epistemological traditions, but also between methodologies which seemed to be close neighbours. However, the concern is not only the fragmentation of theoretical debate, but also the impoverished ability of foundationally-based theory to address its subject matter. Each prescribed theory excluded evidence, subject matter, modes of arguing and public issues and thereby reduced its kind of theory to a form which was empty of much significant content. The theory embodied its foundational weaknesses. Each of the positions, because it was self-referencing, cut itself off from a full engagement with the subject matter and even distorted the issues on which it did focus. The picture emerges, therefore, of a subdiscipline which has lost its usefulness. Indeed, within the literature we face a sharp fall off in relevant work alongside an expansion in the significance of consumption in economic life. It is, for example, astonishing that only 0.5% of members of the American Economic Association rate consumption theory as a major area of specialisation. (AER Dec 1989 573-5) Yet the analysis of these chapters is not all critique, for the detailed examination of particular theorists and positions allows a map to be drawn of some of the unaddressed areas and ignored modes of theorizing which can be developed in the final chapter. These are also available from some of the theories and traditions which have stayed outside a foundational approach. Thus, the analysis suggests, in varying degrees, that a radical deconstruction of consumption theory is needed, and in the final chapter a reconstruction is attempted using the insights gathered from the previous analysis. This final chapter makes more explicit a christian critique of the idea of autonomous theoretical knowledge and shows a way of reintegrating theory with the wider issues of consumption. It picks up on some of the post-modernist consumption theorists to construct a different map of the domain and uses an alternative theory of knowledge to develop new ways of understanding. It acknowledges important contributions © Alan Storkey page 10
Description: