ERIC EJ848441: A Historical Chronology of the Plight of African Americans Gaining Recognition in Engineering and Technology

2005·0.17 MB·English

by  ERIC

A Historical Chronology of the Plight of African
Americans Gaining Recognition in Engineering 81
and Technology T
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Keith V. Johnson and Elwood D. Watson J
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Africans and African Americans have con- large numbers of the young Black men and f T
tributed significantly to the evolution of many women who could be scientists turn away. ec
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of the engineering technologies that we can Where does this happen? Why does it happen? n
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identify with today in areas such as manufactur- And what can be done about it? (Bechtel, 1989). log
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ing, construction, electronics, design graphics, S
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transportation. Due to past history, many The shortage of Blacks among the ranks of ud
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African Americans’inventions have been scientists, engineers, and mathematicians is not s
obscured from the public eye. Further, the the result of some recent misdirected social pol-
inventions of African slaves in America auto- icy. Rather, it is one dimension of the larger
matically belonged to their owners. It wasn’t story of Blacks in American society and needs
until after slavery that African Americans were to be understood by reviewing past ideologies,
given credit for their inventions when they were practices, policies, and expectations of Whites
patented. But even when some patents were sold and Blacks (Bechtel, 1989). It is necessary to
to Whites, African Americans did not receive examine the sociohistorical links among atti-
proper credit. Therefore, it is virtually impossi- tudes about race, educational policies, and the
ble to show all of the significant contributions social structure of science. All three have
of African Americans in our society. worked to prevent Blacks from entering science
or from having their scientific contributions
Science is a pervasive and dominating force
acknowledged and rewarded.
in American society. It is a primary source of
the understanding of the worlds—physical,
This article focuses on the contributions of
biological, behavioral, and social—in which we
African Americans to scientific and technologi-
live; directly or indirectly, it shapes the boundaries
cal innovations. It was written not to disprove or
and directions of all phases of Americanlife. As
discredit nonminorities who were given full
a major institutional component of our society,
credit for an invention or contribution to techno-
the scientific community inevitably reflects the
logical society but to recognize the contribu-
values of American society at large in its own
tions of Africans and African Americans who
social structures, beliefs, and attitudes. And, like
significantly helped mold and direct the evolu-
American society in general, American science
tion of technology. This article is also intended
reflects the dominance of Whites (Bechtel, 1989).
for technology education teachers to use as a
The Black scientist in America is historically an
tool to encourage African American youth to
anomaly and currently a statistical rarity. In 1984
realize that they have a very brilliant heritage
Blacks accounted for only 2.3%, or 90,500, of
and wealthy history. This paper attempts to
the 3,995,000 employed scientists and engineers
reveal a legacy of intelligence, and it serves to
(Kusmer, 1991) Even now, in the 21st century,
inspire future African Americans to keep the
Blacks were 11.3% of the labor force, but only
torch of technological innovation and invention
4.2% of natural scientists, 7.6% of math and
aflame.
computer scientists, and 4.6% of engineers.
In very simple terms, the source of the During the first half century of the nation’s
problem is obvious: There are few Black scien- history, in New England and the mid-Atlantic
tists because there are few Blacks in graduate states specifically, revolutionary spirit, growing
science programs; there are few Blacks in grad- abolitionist sentiment, and Christian missionary
uate programs because there are few Blacks fervor favored the education of Blacks. The
who are encouraged to take the undergraduate work of various religious groups, most notably
sources required for successful scientific the Quakers, to establish schools for Blacks is
careers; there are few Black undergraduates who well documented. The efforts to provide instruc-
are prepared by their high schools or grade tion to Blacks during this period were generally
schools to choose such courses. And at every local and unconnected, reflecting the interests
point along the pipeline to a scientific career, of the diverse groups involved. Thus, some
communities provided integrated public instruc- freedom and rights of citizenship and hindered
tion while others had separate facilities. The restrictive legislation that attempted to reestab-
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growing intensity of antislavery sentiments in lish antebellum social relationships (Bond,
es parts of the North prompted some communities 1934; Brawley, 1970). Probably the most signif-
di
u to adopt policies that would allow more Blacks icant change came in the area of education. The
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y to attend public schools (Franklin, 1973; emancipated slaves were eager to take advan-
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o Frazier, 1949; Woodson, 1915). tage of their new status and felt that getting an
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hn education was of primary importance. And
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Te The results of this movement were impres- many individuals and organizations interested in
of sive as free Blacks took advantage of opportuni- aiding the freedmen were quick to offer their
nal ties to get an education. Of the 2,000 Blacks in services (Woodson, 1969).
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u Boston in 1850, almost 1,500 were in school;
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e and in the states and territories as a whole, Even before the war ended, missionaries
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T 32,629 Blacks were in school in 1860. Blacks began to make their way into the Southern states
also began to move into higher education. In to establish educational programs for those
1826 Edward Jones graduated from Amherst Blacks freed by the advancing Union troops.
while John Russwurm was getting his degree Immediately after the war, religious organiza-
from Bowdoin -the first Black to graduate from tions, such as the American Missionary
college in America. Blacks were attending Association and the government-sponsored
Oberlin and other institutions of higher educa- Freedmen’s Bureau, established schools in the
tion well before the Civil War (Franklin, 1973; South. Blacks responded eagerly, and thousands
Pifer, 1973). were attending schools by the late 1860s (Bond,
1934; Cruden, 1969; Funke, 1920).
Although most of these educational efforts
were provided and controlled by Whites, Blacks White Southerners, however, were unpre-
also played a role. A few schools were estab- pared for such a radical change and opposed
lished by Blacks, and in such large cities as efforts to provide education for Blacks, who
Philadelphia Blacks began to organize literary were considered innately inferior—the idea of
societies as early as the 1780s (Funke, 1920; educating them was viewed as absurd. Providing
Winston, 1971). educational opportunities to Blacks would have
meant extending a privilege that had historically
The social climate in the South during the been restricted to the upper classes in the South;
slavery era effectively precluded educating it would elevate the former slave to a status
Blacks. Interest in public education in general higher than that of most former slave owners.
was low. Whites who wanted schooling were Conservative Southerners feared that the
expected to rely on their families for financial schools taught by Northerners would instill
support. There were a few isolated efforts to Republican ideals of equality and further under-
provide free Blacks with an education, and mine their political power. The hostile reaction
some progressive plantation owners felt morally by Southerners to Black education was a pre-
bound to teach their slaves to read and write. dictable part of their attempt to maintain the
Any possibility of these practices gaining wide- traditional antebellum social order in the face
spread support quickly vanished with the of massive social dislocation (Bechtel, 1989).
abortive revolts by Prosser (1800) and Vesey
(1822), and the Turner rebellion (1831). These Nevertheless, some Southern Whites
actions by Blacks who had been educated so grasped an obvious fact: The Freedmen would
frightened the planters that laws were passed have to be educated simply to survive and pro-
throughout the South making it illegal to vide for their own basic needs. At the end of the
instruct any slave or free Black (Franklin, 1973; Civil War, 95% of the Black population in
Funke, 1920; Low & Cliff, 1981). America was illiterate. To most enlightened
observers, the presence of this large number of
During the decade of Reconstruction fol- “ignorant Black rabble was a menacing Trojan
lowing the Civil War, Blacks made temporary horse” (Winston, 1971, p. 681). White
gains in their social and political conditions. Southerners faced a serious dilemma that went
Passage of the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and beyond simple questions of educational philoso-
Fifteenth Amendments to the Constitution and phy. The way this problem was addressed would
the Civil Rights Act of 1866 gave Blacks have a significant impact on important issues of
political and economic relationships because 1870s to 1930 clearly reveals the massive dis-
once Whites chose to educate Blacks, they had parities between the education of Whites and
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to decide what type of education should be pro- Blacks in the South.
vided. And that decision ultimately depended Th
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upon the role that Whites saw for Blacks in the Data (Bond, 1934) for the state of Alabama J
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American social order. indicate the changes that took place over the 55- ur
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year period from 1875 to 1930. During the a
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From an egalitarian perspective, education 1875-1876 school term, Alabama spent an aver- f T
is a means of raising those less fortunate up to a age of $1.30 per pupil for White teachers’ ec
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level on par with the rest of society. If such a salaries and $1.46 per pupil for Black teachers’ n
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goal had been paramount at the end of the Civil salaries. This difference in favor of Black teach- log
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War, what sort of educational program could ers reflects the impact of the Reconstruction S
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have been developed? Ballard (1973) described administration. By 1885, however, Alabama was d
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a possible scenario. paying Black teachers 85% of what was paid to s
White teachers ($1.09 versus $1.28). And 25
First, there would have to be federally fund-
years later, Black Alabama teachers still
ed elementary schools in every village.
received only $1.10 per pupil whereas their
Second, a federally funded group of highly
White counterparts got nearly six times as much
trained teachers would have been sent to
($6.42).
those villages. Centers of literacy would
have to be established for adult education.
Although the figures from Alabama show
This first thrust could have carried through
the dramatic decline over time in expenditures
for five to ten years, to be followed by the
to Black teachers, the data from Tennessee
establishment of regional high schools with
reveal no change whatsoever over the 60-year
both vocational and academic curricula to
period from 1870 to 1930. In 1870 Tennessee
serve as the funnel through which the most
paid its White teachers $11.83 per pupil com-
able Black youth would have gone on to
pared to $7.48 for Black teachers—63% of the
federally subsidized colleges. Over a period
White teachers’salary. By 1931 Tennessee was
of fifty or seventy-five years the education-
paying its White teachers $27.55 per pupil com-
al level of the Africans would have risen to
pared to $17.25 for Black teachers—again only
that of White Americans. (p. 11)
63% of the White teachers’salary (Bond, 1934).
Ballard makes clear that it was unthinkable
Harlan (1968) noted that the regional differ-
that Whites during Reconstruction would have
ences in funding for White schools paled when
allowed anything of the sort. If Blacks had to be
compared to the economic disadvantages suf-
educated, White Southerners felt that the educa-
fered by Black schools. In 1915 the North
tion should be suited to their inferior mental
Central states spent an average of $28.00 per
capacities and to their proper, subservient place
White child for education compared to only
in society. With the goal decided upon, the two
$14.00 per White child in South Carolina. But
pillars of post-Reconstruction Black educational
at the same time, South Carolina was spending
philosophy emerged: a system of separate and
only $1.13 per Black child for education.
unequal schools for Blacks and industrial educa-
tion.
Statistics revealed the degree of inferiority
of funding of Black education compared to that
During Reconstruction, the quality of edu-
of Whites in the South. Using Washington, DC,
cation provided in the South had been generally
as a point of comparison, one finds that spend-
poor for both Blacks and Whites, but it was
ing by the six Southern states on school expens-
administered on a fairly equal basis. After the
es, school property, and teacher salaries falls far
end of Reconstruction and the reemergence of
short of anything that could be remotely called
Southern conservatives in political power, the
“equal” education. The breadth of the discrimi-
policies of Black social and political disenfran-
nation against Black education is revealed in
chisement extended to Black education as well.
other areas as well. For example, during the
Through deception, blatant discrimination, and
1933-1934 school year, 10 Southern states spent
law, White schools were improved at the
a total of $20 million on transporting rural
expense of Black schools. An examination of
school children. But, only 3% of this money
the data on school expenditures from the mid
was spent on Black children who constituted
34% of the total school population. In 1935- Popular beliefs and attitudes about Blacks
1936 over half (55%) of the 24,405 Black public were not restricted to a particular region of the
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elementary schools in the 18 states with sepa- country, and the belief in Black inferiority was
es rate schools were one-room schools. In terms of shared by most White Americans.
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u total property value, in 10 Southern states for Discrimination and racial segregation were facts
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y which data were available, for every $1.00 of life for Blacks in both the North and South.
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o invested in school property for each White stu- And the justification for such practices was the
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hn dent, only $0.19 was invested for each Black same everywhere: Blacks constituted an inferior
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Te student (Frazier, 1949). race suited only for the most menial of positions
of (Litwack, 1961).
al Factors other than direct discrimination in
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u finances also undermined the ability of Blacks Despite having comparatively greater free-
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e to acquire an adequate education. Black atten- dom in the North, Blacks found that there was
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T dance remained relatively low because Black strong opposition to their receiving an educa-
schools were often distant and so little trans- tion. Many Northern states were unwilling to
portation was provided. But because the number spend money on schools for Blacks, fearing that
of Black teachers was also small, the typical more of them would move into their states or
teacher in a Black school would, on the average, communities seeking education. Northerners
have twice as many students as the typical seemed no more fond of Blacks than
teacher in a White school. Possibly most damag- Southerners. Ohio, Illinois, and Oregon had
ing was the practice of having shorter terms for laws forbidding the migration of free Blacks
the Black schools. In the 1929-1930 school into their states. Although Northern states did
year, for example, the average length of the term not pass laws prohibiting the teaching of Blacks,
for the 18 Southern and border states, including there was an undercurrent of resentment toward
Washington, was 164 days for Whites and 144 educating Blacks that found expression in the
days for Blacks. However, in South Carolina the forcible closing of schools, the intimidation and
average school term was 173 days for Whites driving away of teachers, and the destruction of
compared to only 114 days for Blacks (Work, school buildings (Beale, 1975; Bond, 1934).
1931). After eight years of school, the typical
Black student in South Carolina would have While some White schools in the North
been in class 472 days less than the typical admitted Blacks, this occurred mostly during
White student—in other words, he or she would the early 1800s. By 1830 most Northern states
be approximately four years behind. This policy, had excluded Blacks from White schools and
combined with the fact that few secondary required them to attend separate all-Black
schools were established for Blacks, goes far schools. Reflecting the prevailing belief in the
toward explaining why few Blacks during this limited intellectual capability of Blacks, these
period attained more than a sixth-grade educa- separate schools were often as unequal as those
tion (Rice, 1971). in the South, with substandard teachers, inade-
quate facilities, and inferior curricula (Litwack,
Much of this discussion of Black education 1961).
has focused on the Southern states. One must
not conclude that the educational experiences of Frazier (1949) remarked that the problems
Blacks in the North were any better. During the facing Blacks in the public schools of the North
18th and 19th centuries, Blacks were few in were similar to those faced by the large number
number in the North and West and did not of immigrants who settled in the major urban
arouse the fear and apprehension found in the centers. As with the immigrants, Blacks had
South. Life was therefore different for those been forced to live in the poorest sections of the
Blacks who lived in the various Northern states. cities and their children had to attend old,
They were not subject to the whims of a master, inferior, and overcrowded schools. Nevertheless,
the restrictions on their activities were less Blacks suffered additional problems: Because of
severe, they could protest against injustices, and their color, they were restricted in their move-
there were more opportunities for self-expres- ment both socially and economically. Greer
sion (such as churches and newspapers) and (1973) noted that with varying degrees of speed,
improvement in one’s political and economic foreign immigrants were able to become part of
position (Litwack, 1961; Quarles, 1969). American society, whereas Blacks remained on
the margin. Both groups were vulnerable
because of their low social status, but it was the menial labor, and domestic service—activities
individual immigrant who suffered the conse- that would not be a threat to White skilled work-
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quences of economic change, whereas for ers and would keep Blacks in their proper place
Blacks the entire group was affected. Thus, in the social and economic structure (Spivey, Th
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caste through race added a significant dimen- 1978). But while Armstrong was the originator J
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sion to the life of the lower class Black in the of vocational education, it took a Black man to ur
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urban North. make industrial training a prominent feature of al o
Black education. f T
Despite widespread animosity toward ec
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Blacks, they did receive more education in the The few Blacks who managed to overcome n
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North, although the quality of that education educational obstacles and enter careers in sci- log
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was inferior. Frazier (1949) reported figures for ence and technology still faced bigotry in other S
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1940 that show the proportion of Blacks with aspects of their lives. This discrimination d
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four years of high school in the South was only extended to the lack of public recognition of s
25% of the total, whereas in the North it ranged names and accomplishments of Black scientists,
from 50% to 75% of the total. The reality, how- medical researchers, and inventors. Only recent-
ever, is that North or South, Blacks in America ly have scholars begun to search out evidence of
received an inadequate and inferior education these Blacks’contributions and discover that,
when compared to that available for more although Blacks are rare in the history of
Whites. American science, they are by no means miss-
ing or negligible. It is worth noting that, for
The content of Black schooling adequately many of the same kinds of reasons, the presence
reflected White goals for Blacks in the social and activities of women in science were long
order. Industrial training was an effective way of overlooked by historians and only recently have
ensuring that Blacks could not rise beyond what been reexamined (Rossiter, 1974).
was seen as their natural sphere as laborers and
servants. It is appropriate to describe briefly the work
of some of these Black American scientists and
Industrial education had its beginnings at inventors and to examine the ways in which they
Hampton Institute under the direction of surmounted the formidable barriers to intellec-
General Samuel Armstrong, a Freedmen’s tual achievement.
Bureau administrator in Hampton, Virginia. A
believer in the innate inferiority of Blacks, Before the Civil War, the United States was
Armstrong thought that the best training for not known for its scientific accomplishments. It
Blacks was one that would instill self-control would not make sense to expect Blacks to be the
and provide a check on what he believed was exception to this rule. For most slaves and free
the natural tendency of Blacks toward rebellion. Blacks, the main issue was gaining and keeping
His program of education was intended to affect their freedom. Many Blacks with exceptional
a change in the freedman’s innately flawed char- abilities directed their talents to devising ways
acter, to “civilize” the Black by instilling “habits to gain their own freedom and to interest others
of living and labor” (Spivey, 1978, p. 19). in supporting such efforts. Inevitably, preachers
Armstrong believed that Blacks were ultimately and orators outnumbered inventors among the
destined to “form the working classes” and Black community during the antebellum period
remain at the bottom of the economic hierarchy (Baker, 1913/1969).
(Spivey, 1978). Having no faith in Blacks’intel-
lectual capacity, Armstrong thought it was a It is also true that Black inventors, especial-
waste of time to give them academic training, ly in the South, were unrecognized by histori-
stating that courses involving “reading and elo- ans. Slaves who invented mechanical devices to
cution, geography and mathematics, history, the relieve the physical burden of labor could not
sciences . . . would, I think, make a curriculum protect their rights to the inventions (Baker,
that would exhaust the best powers of . . . those 1913/1969). They were not recognized as citi-
who would for years enter Hampton” (Spivey, zens and therefore could not enter into con-
1978, p. 26). Thus, education at Hampton under tracts. The federal government refused to grant
Armstrong was designed to maintain the them patents or to allow them to transfer patent
Southern status quo. Black students would be rights to their owners. This did not preclude the
trained in the principles of agriculture, unskilled outright theft of inventions by the slave owners,
who would claim them as their own. Given this publicly recognized in France and England for
situation, it can never be known how many his scientific accomplishments, he received little
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inventions were originated by slaves (Haber, official recognition in the United States—
es 1970). Among free Blacks, inventors preferred although in 1970, Banneker Circle in
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u to have their race kept secret for fear that such Washington, DC, was named in his honor
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y information would impair the commercial suc- (Haber, 1970; Ploski & Williams, 1983; Toppin,
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e Government restrictions on the granting of During the second half of the 19th century,
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of patents to slaves did not apply to free Blacks. a number of Black inventors produced devices
al For example, James Forten (1766-1842), a free of considerable importance in the mechanical
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u Black Philadelphian, had no difficulty in getting advance of American industry. Most noteworthy
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e a patent for his invention for handling sails or were Lewis Latimer, Granville T. Woods, Elijah
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T deriving a comfortable living from its manufac- McCoy, and Jan Earnst Matzeliger.
ture. The same could be said of Norbert
Rillieux. Born in New Orleans on March 17, Jan Matzeliger was born in Dutch Guiana
1806, Rillieux was the son of Vincent Rillieux, in 1852. He immigrated to Philadelphia at the
a wealthy plantation owner, and his slave age of 10 and went to work in a shoe factory.
Constance Vivant. Because of his father’s posi- He realized that while the tops and bottoms of
tion, the young Rillieux had the advantages of shoes were being manufactured by machines,
both freedom and wealth. He attended Catholic the two parts had to be put together by hand—a
schools in New Orleans and studied engineering time-consuming bottleneck in the production
in France. At the age of 24, he became the process. He spent long hours at great physical
youngest instructor in applied mechanics at and financial cost to do the seemingly impossi-
L’Ecole Centrale in Paris and contributed papers ble—invent a machine that would sew the top
on steam technology to engineering journals and bottom halves of manufactured shoes
(Klein, 1971). His major accomplishment came together. After Matzeliger developed his lasting
in 1846 when he invented and patented a vacu- machine, it was possible for one factory to pro-
um pan that transformed the process of refining duce 150 to 700 pairs of shoes a day, compared
sugar. The device yielded a superior product— to 50 pairs sewn by hand. The cost of shoes
granulated sugar—at a low price. The invention went down, and the American shoe industry
was a boon to the sugar industry in Louisiana grew dramatically. Matzeliger died in 1889 at
and revolutionized the production of sugar the age of 37 and never realized any of the mil-
worldwide (Baker, 1913/1969; Haber, 1970; lions of dollars that eventually derived from his
Ploski & Williams, 1983; Toppin, 1971). invention (Haber, 1970; Logan & Winston,
1982; Ploski & Williams, 1983).
A discussion of early Black inventors can-
not fail to mention the accomplishments of Elijah McCoy was born in Canada in 1844
Benjamin Banneker. The son of a free Black to runaway slaves. He attended grammar
mother and a slave she had purchased, Banneker schools in Michigan and went to Scotland to
was born in Baltimore County, Maryland, in apprentice as a mechanical engineer. Upon
1731. Taught to read and write at home by his returning to America, McCoy found that
grandmother, Banneker also attended an inte- because of his race it was impossible for him to
grated public school where he obtained the find employment as an engineer. He eventually
equivalent of an eighth grade education. In took a job as a fireman on the Michigan Central
1761, his curiosity about mechanical devices led Railroad where his experiences with maintain-
him to construct a wooden striking clock so ing the locomotive engines inspired him to
accurately made that it kept perfect time for invent a device that solved a critical problem in
over 20 years. His knowledge of astronomy and the manufacturing industry. Heavy machinery
his mathematical ability enabled him to predict constantly needed lubrication to prevent the
the solar eclipse of 1789. During the next 10 metal parts from fusing together. In the late 19th
years he published an almanac of tables, century, factory workers had to stop the
eclipses, and medicinal formulas. His most machines and lubricate the parts by hand, a
notable contribution came as a surveyor with the time-consuming and costly procedure. McCoy
team chosen by George Washington to develop invented the “lubricating cup,” which provided
the plans for the new national capital. Although continuous and automatic lubrication of moving
parts. His inventions were significant in perfect- ing Edison’s incandescent lamps. He supervised
ing the overall lubrication system eventually the installation of electric lights in New York,
87
used in all large industrial plants with heavy Philadelphia, Montreal, and London. In 1884,
machinery. Over a period of 40 years, McCoy Latimer joined the Edison Company, where he Th
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acquired more than 50 patents for his lubrica- was instrumental in defending Edison’s patents J
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tion devices, yet he died poor, as his race made in court (Haber, 1970; Logan & Winston, 1982; ur
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it difficult for him to realize any profit from the Ploski & Williams, 1983). al o
inventions that made millions for others. f T
Although not documented, it is often claimed Most of the Black scientists and inventors ec
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that the expression “It’s the real McCoy” is of the 19th century were very gifted, self-taught no
associated with his devices (Haber, 1970; Ploski individuals who lacked academic or professional log
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& Williams, 1983). training in the physical sciences. This should not S
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be surprising since the description would apply d
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In the area of electrical engineering, equally to White American scientists and inven- s
Granville T. Woods and Lewis Latimer deserve tors at the same time. In fact, it was only in
special recognition. Born in Ohio in 1856, 1861 that the first doctorate was granted in a
Granville T. Woods attended school until the age science—physics—at Yale University. Probably
of 10. First employed in a machine shop, he the most noteworthy accomplishment in the his-
continued to develop his mechanical aptitude tory of Blacks in science occurred just 15 years
working on the railroad and reading books on later. In 1876, Edward Alexander Bouchet, a 24-
electricity in his spare time. He reportedly took year-old Black man was awarded a PhD in
a course in electrical and mechanical engineer- physics from Yale University for a dissertation
ing but was essentially self-taught. He invented in geometrical optics entitled On Measuring
a telephone transmitter in 1884 but is best Refracting Indices. Bouchet was the first Black
known for his development of the Synchronous to receive a doctorate from an American univer-
Multiplex Railway Telegraph. This system sity and only the sixth person in the United
enabled communication between stations and States to be awarded a PhD in physics. Yet,
moving trains and greatly improved railway other than an occasional footnote in the history
safety. In the 20-year period from 1879 to 1899, of Black education, Bouchet and his accom-
23 separate inventions bore his name, including plishments remain virtually unknown to the
the overhead conduction system for electric rail- world of science and literally unheard of by the
ways and the “third rail” used in most subway world in general. What happened to Bouchet
systems. Known as the “Black Edison,” he held provides a glimpse into the adversity facing
over 60 patents, many of which were assigned to educated Blacks in post-Civil War America.
General Electric, Westinghouse, and Bell
Telephone (Haber, 1970; Logan & Winston, Edward Bouchet was born in 1852 to free
1982; Ploski & Williams, 1983; Toppin, 1971). parents in New Haven, Connecticut, where he
attended a public “colored school.” Like most of
Lewis Howard Latimer was born in the schools for Blacks in the city, it was small,
Massachusetts in 1848. At the age of 10, ungraded, and had only one teacher. In 1868,
Latimer was forced to quit school and help sup- Bouchet was the first Black to be accepted into
port his family. After serving in the United Hopkins Grammar School, a preparatory school
States Naval Service during the Civil War, he for the classical and scientific departments at
was employed as an office boy with Crosby & Yale College. During his two years at Hopkins,
Gould, Patent Solicitors. Demonstrating his he studied Latin and Greek grammar, geometry,
superior skill after reluctantly being given the algebra, and Greek history. He graduated first in
chance to try his hand at drafting, Latimer ulti- his class in 1870 and was chosen valedictorian
mately was named chief draftsman. Needing a (Bechtel, 1989).
skilled draftsman to help prepare his patent
application, Alexander Graham Bell asked Bouchet entered Yale University in the fall
Latimer to prepare the drawings and descrip- of 1870 and continued to excel. When he gradu-
tions for the telephone patent issued in 1876. ated in 1874, his grade-point average was 3.22
Latimer eventually began to work on his own on a 4.0-point scale, the sixth highest in a class
inventions, and in 1881, he developed a method of 124. In 1875, Bouchet returned to Yale to
of making carbon filaments that were longer pursue graduate work in physics. During his two
lasting than previous filaments, greatly improv- years in the graduate school, he paid special
attention to chemistry, mineralogy, and experi- as a candidate at Black colleges that had adopt-
mental physics. Under the direction of Arthur ed the industrial-education philosophy. As noted
88
Wright, he successfully completed his disserta- by DuBois (1973), the debate between academic
es tion (Bechtel, 1989). and industrial education was a bitter one. “The
di
u disputants came to rival organizations, to severe
t
y S Bouchet’s graduate education was encour- social pressure, to anger and even to blows. . . .
g
o aged and financed by Alfred Cope, a member of Employment and promotion depended often on
ol
hn the board of managers of a Friends school for a Negro’s attitude toward industrial education. . .
c
Te Blacks in Philadelphia, the Institute for Colored . Men were labeled and earmarked by the alle-
of Youth (ICY). Firm believers in the value of lib- giance to one school of thought or to the other”
nal eral education and the unlimited capabilities of (p. 65).
r
u Blacks, Cope and the other managers offered at
o
J
e ICY a curriculum that included ancient history, The difficulties that the industrial-education
h
T geography, Greek and Latin classics, algebra, movement created for Bouchet were tragic not
geometry, and chemistry. In an effort to expand only for him but also for the future generations
the school’s offerings, Cope established a of students he might have trained in science.
Scientific Fund to promote learning in the prin- The movement stopped students from striving
ciples of applied science. It was the establish- for professional careers, it perpetuated stereo-
ment of the Scientific Fund that led Cope to types about Black intellectual inferiority, and it
invite Bouchet to head the new science program kept Blacks in economically inferior jobs. Even
(Perkins, 1978). on its own terms, it misjudged the demand for
Blacks in the trades, arousing the hostility of
Bouchet arrived in Philadelphia in the fall White workers. It failed to see that the rise of
of 1876 and taught at the ICY for the next 26 large corporations would put many tradesmen
years. However, as with all American Blacks and craftsmen out of business (DuBois, 1973;
during the last two decades of the 19th century, Franklin, 1973).
Bouchet’s life took a turn for the worse. By the
mid-1890s, many Philadelphia Quakers were Although Whites enthusiastically endorsed
becoming disillusioned with the Black commu- industrial training for Blacks and helped to
nity as they now questioned the ability of implement it through contributions to Black
Blacks to respond to the efforts being made on schools, it is noteworthy that some Blacks resis-
their behalf. In 1894, a study made of the insti- ted. W. E. B. DuBois led this movement against
tute’s curriculum suggested that it be simplified, industrial education, while leaders at some
stating that the courses were “pitched too high.” Black colleges refused to change their curricu-
By the end of the century, the new managers lum in the direction of Tuskegee and Hampton.
had become openly hostile to classical and aca- An important change occurred at the beginning
demic education and receptive to Booker T. of the 20th century as a small number of men
Washington’s educational philosophy. In their and women began to move into the fields of sci-
efforts to redirect the ICY along the line of ence and engineering. Consider, for example,
industrial training at Hampton and Tuskegee, the three Blacks who made scientific contributions
managers proceeded to fire all the teachers, to biology and medicine: E. E. Just, Percy
including Bouchet, and replaced them with Julian, and Charles Drew (Bechtel, 1989).
instructors favorable to industrial education
(Bechtel, 1989; Perkins, 1978). Born in Charleston, South Carolina, in
1883, Ernest Just received his bachelor’s degree
No White college would have considered with honors from Dartmouth. In college he
him seriously for a position on its faculty even developed an interest in biology, especially cell
with his superior qualifications. But barriers structure and development. After graduating
other than race had an impact on Bouchet’s from Dartmouth, he taught biology at Howard
career. The ascendance of vocational-industrial University and began a 20-year period of sum-
instruction during the latter half of the 19th cen- mer research at the Marine Biological
tury, and the overwhelming acceptance of the Laboratories at Woods Hole, Massachusetts. In
Hampton-Tuskegee model for Blacks in particu- 1916, he received his PhD in biology from the
lar, served to limit Bouchet’s opportunities. His University of Chicago. During his career, he
academic education and his training in the natu- published two books and over 60 papers in
ral sciences made him increasingly unattractive scholarly journals. His ideas on cell-membrane
activity completely changed the scientific opin- To this discussion of unrecognized scien-
ion of his time as he successfully demonstrated tists must be added several others. One is
89
that the cells’cytoplasm and ectoplasm are Charles H. Turner, who received his doctorate
equally important as the nucleus in heredity. As from the University of Chicago in 1907. He Th
e
with most of the Black scientists of the period, published many papers in the area of animal J
o
Just never received proper recognition in the behavior, and the phenomenon of insect activity ur
n
United States, although he was respected and referred to as “Turner’s circling” is named for al o
honored in the scientific capitals of Europe him. William A. Hinton was an authority on f T
e
(Haber, 1970; Manning, 1983; Ploski & venereal disease and responsible for developing c
h
n
Williams, 1983; Toppin, 1971). the Hinton Test for detecting syphilis. In 1949, o
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he became the first Black professor of medicine g
y
Born in Alabama in 1899, Percy Julian at Harvard. Lloyd A. Hall was chief chemist and S
t
u
attended DePauw University, where he was director of research for Griffith Laboratories in die
valedictorian and Phi Beta Kappa. He taught at Chicago. He transformed the meatpacking s
Fisk, Howard, and West Virginia State College industry with his development of curing salts
before attending Harvard and the University of for processing and preserving meats. Louis
Vienna. A specialist in derivative and synthetic Tompkins Wright was a leading surgeon and
drugs, Julian discovered cortisone, a cheap and medical researcher best known for his work in
effective treatment for arthritis derived from developing the intradermal method of smallpox
soybean oil. In 1935, Julian was the first to syn- vaccination. He also pioneered in drug therapy
thesize physostigmine, important in the treat- for cancer and was the first to use chlortetracy-
ment of glaucoma. He was also the first to syn- cline on humans. A graduate of Harvard
thesize hormones, greatly reducing the cost of Medical School, Wright was the first Black to
these drugs and making them available to thou- be elected to a fellowship in the American
sands of people who were unable to afford the College of Surgeons (Haber, 1970; Logan &
expensive natural drugs. He was offered the post Winston, 1982; Ploski & Williams, 1983).
of chief chemist and director of research for the
Glidden Company in Chicago, the first Black There is little doubt that White scientists of
scientist to obtain such a prestigious position. this caliber won recognition from the scientific
This was a turning point in the struggle of Black world in the form of research grants, prestigious
scientists to gain access to America’s research positions, and prizes. More important, they were
facilities (Haber, 1970; Ploski & Williams, urged to continue their research and their teach-
1983; Toppin, 1971). ing of future scientists. In light of the racism
and discrimination these Black scientists faced,
Charles Drew, medical doctor and their accomplishments are even more impres-
researcher, was educated at Amherst College in sive, yet their names and deeds remain obscure.
Massachusetts and took his medical degree from Students quickly learn the importance of such
McGill University in Canada. Early in his men as Benjamin Franklin, Eli Whitney,
career, he became interested in the problems Thomas Edison, Alexander Graham Bell, and
associated with the transfusion and storage of Jonas Salk. These individuals are held up as
blood. He took a teaching position at Howard great scientists and inventors whose work was
University and while working on his doctor of instrumental in the transformation of American
science degree at Columbia wrote a dissertation society. Students rarely learn the names
on banked blood. He soon became an expert on Benjamin Banneker, Norbert Rillieux, Granville
separating and storing blood, and his research T. Woods, Lewis Latimer, or Percy Julian, or
on blood plasma is credited with saving many their equally important contributions to the
lives during World War II. In 1941, he was transformation of American science and
called to England to help with the problems of industry.
blood storage and set up the first blood bank in
England. Drew was one of the first Blacks to The achievements of Black intellectuals and
become a diplomat in surgery and the first scientists in White America have been largely
Black to be appointed an examiner by the obscured, ignored, or diminished in importance.
American Board of Surgery (Haber, 1970; The world of science and research was the pri-
Ploski & Williams, 1983; Toppin, 1971). vate domain of White males. Society provided
Blacks with more appropriate arenas for gaining
success and notoriety, arenas more fitting for science were forced to teach in Black colleges
their place in the American social order. The and high schools, which were often unsympa-
90
roles of gladiator and jester have long been tra- thetic to the needs of a research scientist.
es ditional among powerless people and are often Edward Bouchet and Charles Turner spent most
di
u seen by the dominant group as more appropriate of their careers in high schools with limited
t
S
y than that of scholar or scientist (Lewis, 1972). resources and poorly equipped labs. Those who
g
o According to the stereotype, Blacks were to per- were fortunate enough to find positions in Black
ol
hn form, produce, or entertain, not invent, design, colleges (like Just or Julian) often taught stu-
c
Te or create. The former activities require only sim- dents from the inner city or rural areas, who
of ple innate abilities; the latter intelligence and lacked advanced training in mathematics and
al
n creativity—characteristics not thought to be English. These teachers seldom had the scien-
r
u
o present in Blacks. tist’s pleasure of training students to surpass
J
e their mentors. Black colleges had little money
h
T From the perspective of White America at available for scientific equipment or libraries. In
the turn of the century, educated and intellectual the South, where most Black colleges were
Blacks presented a grave problem. They were located, Black scholars were denied use of pub-
not supposed to exist, and the fact that they did lic libraries and White university laboratories
exist challenged the very foundation of the and were barred from local chapters of learned
White belief in Black intellectual and social societies (Julian, 1969; Winston, 1971).
inferiority (Winston, 1971). Therefore, such
individuals had to be explained away (they were To this can be added Jim Crow laws
called freaks), minimized (they were accused of designed to restrict the social and political
stealing their ideas from Whites), hidden (they actions of Blacks, the constant threat of vio-
were not acknowledged), or destroyed (they suf- lence reinforced by numerous lynchings every
fered discrimination and violence). The lives of year, and the exclusion from the community of
early Black scientists were filled not only with science in general. In this type of restricted and
the challenge and elation of scientific discovery, fearful environment, the PhD degree was a farce
but with the specter of racism and discrimina- (Julian, 1969). Excluded because of their race
tion as well. from full participation in the American scientif-
ic community, these scientists languished in
During his brief tenure at St. Paul’s obscurity.
College in Lawrenceville, Virginia, Edward
Bouchet was respected and admired in the com- Under such historical conditions, it is no
munity. Nevertheless, he was assaulted by a wonder that so few Blacks chose to study sci-
White lawyer he accidently bumped into as they ence. Ernest Just’s motive in discouraging his
came around a corner (Bechtel, 1989). Percy students from pursuing careers in science grew
Julian was denied appointment as head of out of his own bitter recognition of the reality
DePauw’s chemistry department because he was they faced (Manning, 1983; Winston, 1971). For
Black, and he would not go to Appleton, Blacks at the turn of the century, education had
Wisconsin, for a job interview because of a city to provide marketable skills, a point of view that
statute prohibiting Blacks from staying continues to direct scientifically talented stu-
overnight. During his tenure at Glidden, his dents into careers in education, medicine, or law
house in Oakbrook was set afire and bombed in rather than biology, physics, or chemistry. For
several acts of racial violence. Ernest Just, any Black who knew about Just, Julian, or
despite his scientific discoveries, was never Turner, the lesson was clear: Even those with
offered an appointment at a major American the highest level of education and degrees from
research center or university and was urged by America’s most prestigious universities were
Whites to teach at Black universities in order to denied the recognition and respect befitting
help his race (Haber, 1970; Logan & Winston, their qualifications and scientific accomplish-
1982; Manning, 1983). ments. In the fields of medicine, teaching, and
law, one could find jobs and prosper, albeit
More important than these acts of racism while restricted to serving a Black clientele.
toward individuals are the patterns of institu- Under the rules made by Whites concerning the
tional discrimination that created an almost roles Blacks were to play in American society,
insurmountable obstacle to the Black scientist. the pragmatic Black decided it was better to be
Segregation produced isolation: Black PhDs in