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ERIC ED465301: A Contrastive Study of Qualification Devices in Native and Non-Native Argumentative Texts in English. PDF

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DOCUMENT RESUME FL 027 353 ED 465 301 Neff, JoAnne; Martinez, Francisco; Rica, Juan Pedro AUTHOR A Contrastive Study of Qualification Devices in Native and TITLE Non-Native Argumentative Texts in English. Ministry of Education and Science, Madrid (Spain). SPONS AGENCY 2001-00-00 PUB DATE 13p.; Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American NOTE Association of Applied Linguistics (St. Louis, MO, February 24-27, 2001). BFF2000-0699-0O2-01 CONTRACT Research (143) -- Speeches/Meeting Papers (150) Reports PUB TYPE MF01/PC01 Plus Postage. EDRS PRICE College Students; Contrastive Linguistics; *English (Second DESCRIPTORS Language); Foreign Countries; Higher Education; *Persuasive Discourse; Spanish Speaking; Verbs; *Written Language *Modals (Verbs); Politeness; Qualifiers (Language); Spain IDENTIFIERS ABSTRACT This paper presents results from a contrastive study of qualification devices used in a 400,000-word corpus of English argumentative texts, written by English-as-a-Foreign-Language (EFL) Spanish university students, U.S. university students, and native professional writers (newspaper editorials in English). The study attempted to account for the great differences between native and non-native texts in regard to use of the modal verbs "can," "could," "may," "might," and "must." The study also proposed reasons for why over- or underuse should occur in the EFL texts as compared to the professional editorial texts. Results indicated that some of the problems Spanish writers experienced may have been due to discourse differences between Spanish and English (first language factors). The study confirmed differences that appeared in previous research in relation to the discourse conventions used in constructing writer stance. The overuse by Spanish writers of "we can" and "we must" followed by verbs of mental and verbal processes suggested a transfer of politeness strategies from the Spanish academic context. In regard to reporting verbs as a qualification device, results revealed that the total tokens were similar, but the frequencies for individual verbs varied notably. (Contains 29 references.) (SM) Reproductions supplied by EDRS are the best that can be made from the original document. in English A contrastive study of qualification devices in native and non-native argumentative texts 2001 AAAL Conference: Discourse Analysis-written cr) JoAnne Neff (fling 1 0@emducms 1 . sis.ucm. es) Li) Madrid' Francisco Martinez and Juan Pedro Rica, Universidad Complutense, 1. Qualification devices and writer stance W This paper, part of the work for a project funded by the Spanish Ministry of Education (BFF2000-0699- CO2-012), presents the results of a contrastive study of qualification devices used in a 400,000-word Spanish university students, American university corpus of English argumentative texts, written by EFL students, and native professional writers (newspaper editorials in English). By qualification, we mean the type of evidentiality (source of knowledge) that Palmer (1986) has included within modality. By devices, we mean the grammatical and lexical means used to construct writer stance, defined as "...the positioning of a social agent with respect to alignment, power, knowledge, belief, evidence, affect and other socially salient categories" (Du Bois, 2000). and Teachers of academic writing have long noted that Basic Writers of English as a first language (L1) writers of English as a Second Language (ESL) or as a Foreign Language (EFL) frequently experience difficulty in establishing writer stance for the propositions they put forth. Many years ago, Shaughnessy (1977: 240) noted that one of the major tasks for the Basic Writer (BW) of English (L1) is to develop further "an understanding of the expectations and needs of the academic or professional audience". She pointed to the "many evidences in BW papers of the egocentricity of the apprentice writer, an orientation that is reflected in the assumption that the reader understands what is going on in the writer's mind and needs therefore no introductions or transitions or explanations". Upon analyzing EFL texts from the International Corpus of Learner English (ICLE), Petch-Tyson (1998) found that the four EFL groups studied (Dutch, Belgian French, Finnish and Swedish) used first-and-second person pronouns, than more indicators of high personal, writer-reader visibility, such as did the American university writers. A close examination of the concordance lines of these texts revealed that the native writers' use of I appeared in chains of past-tense sentences which recounted personal experiences. The non-native writers, on the other hand, used the first person pronoun for interactive functions involved in managing the flow of information (I can take the example of) or in order to insert the writer's opinion or evaluation (I said, I think that). For more than two decades, researchers in fields such as discourse analysis and applied linguistics (Hoey 1979, 1983; Jordan 1984) have studied various forms of propositional (ideational) coherence in the construction of the discourses of different disciplines. Until more recently, however, relatively little work has been carried out in analyzing interpersonal interaction, including the use of politeness strategies (Cherry 1988; Meyers 1989; Hyland 2000), of attribution and of evaluative coherence 1 Other members of the Research team are Emma Dafouz and Honesto Herrera of the Universidad Complutense de Madrid; Mercedes Diez, of the Universidad de Alcala; Rosa Prieto, E.O.I., Madrid; and, Carmen Sancho, Universidad Politecnica de Madrid. Contrastive Analysis of the Expression of Evidentiality in English and Spanish: A Corpus Study of Argumentative Texts 2 Written by English- and Spanish-speaking University Students. U.S. DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION Office of Educational Research and Improvement PERMISSION TO REPRODUCE AND EDUCATIONAL RESOURCES INFORMATION DISSEMINATE THIS MATERIAL HAS CENTER (ERIC) BEEN GRANTED BY This document has been reproduced as received from the person or organization originating it. Joann 0 Minor changes have been made to 2 improve reproduction quality. BEST COPY AVAILABLE Points of view or opinions stated in this TO THE EDUCATIONAL RESOURCES document do not necessarily represent INFORMATION CENTER (ERIC) official OERI position or policy. with the (Hunston 1994; Hunston and Thompson 2000). The latter approaches show more concern conducting interaction with their interpersonal function, in that they focus on the roles writers assume in With a few exceptions (Hinkel 1997; readers rather than on supporting the validity of a proposition. Herrera, Martinez, Prieto, Rica and Thompson 2001; Thompson and Thetela 1995; Neff, Dafouz, Diez, have not yet been applied to non-native Sancho in press), many of these more recent types of analyses texts. The first has to do with the The present study, based on a corpus analysis, has a two-fold purpose. differences between native signaling of writer-reader interaction. We attempt to account for the_great might and must. If the and non-native texts in regard to the use of the modal verbs can, could, may, differ from that of the student texts show more or less use of these verbs, in what way does their use professional writers? underuse should occur in the The second purpose of the study is to propose reasons for why this over-or study (Neff, Dafouz, Diez, EFL texts, as compared to the professional editorial texts. In a previous that the overuse of modals such as Herrera, Martinez, Prieto, Rica and Sancho in press), we maintained and might was due, in great measure, to two factors: typological can and could and the underuse of may the Ll to the L2. mismatch between the Ll and the L2, and the transfer of discourse conventions from it to the characteristics of novice In the present study, we address the latter factor once again but relate professional writers. writers, native and non-native, as compared to those seen in the editorial texts of (NNS), American 2. A Comparison of Modal and Reporting verbs: Spanish university writers university writers (NS) of probability and reporting In another study (Neff, et al., forthcoming), we examined certain modals university students (NS) to verbs as used by Spanish EFL university students (NNS) and American Finnegan, 1988). The Spanish L2 writers' construct writer stance (Biber & Finnegan, 1989; Biber & held at Louvain-le-Neuve and to texts came from the International Corpus of Learner English, a corpus which we have contributed as the Spanish participants. The American university writers' texts came also held at from the LOCNESS corpus (argumentative texts written by British and American students), Louvain. differences in In that study, the findings for the two groups in regards to modal verbs showed significant overused can the uses of can, may, and might, but not of could, as shown in Figure 1 below. The NNSs three other (882 tokens) in comparison to NSs (514 tokens), while there was a NNS under-use of the NNS, 18). verbs: could (NS, 290 vs. NNS, 273), may (NS, 196 vs. NNS, 108 ), and might (NS, 48 vs. 3 Figure 1 Use of can, could, may and might by NNS (Spanish) and NS (American) . In that study not only did we find a great overuse of can by the Spanish university writers but also a pragmatically differentiated use. That is, when we used one of the OUP Wordsmith tools to find the words that most frequently collocated, we found that the Spanish university writers' overuse of can was linked to a high frequency of we can. This overuse of we can, specifically followed by verbs of mental processes (we can think, we can wonder) suggested a strategy for creating a sense of solidarity with the reader. This may be due to the fact that formal Spanish writing adopts a we-stance, which allows writers to avoid stating their arguments too strongly and consequently becoming the exclusive center of attention (Matte Bon, 1999: 266). The Spanish writers' overuse of we can, then, appears to be due to the transfer of pragmatic conventions from the students' L 1 to their L2 English. The contrastive analysis of the reporting verbs in that study, presented in Table 1, showed that while the American university writers' use of say accounted for 198 tokens, 22% of all their reporting verbs, the Spanish writers used say 289 times, constituting 35% of NNS reporting verbs. The next most frequent NS verb, state, was used 129 times, 14% of all their reporting verbs. In the Spanish writers' corpus, this verb, appearing in the twenty-second place, was used only 7 times, accounting for only 0.8% of their reporting verbs. For the American writers' corpus, the third reporting verb was show (12% of their reporting verbs), while in the Spanish corpus this verb was second in frequency (18% of NNS reporting verbs). Such overuse of say and under-use of state suggests that Spanish university writers have a limited range of neutral verbs (say, state) with which to present the principal propositions of an argument. From the fourth verb on, NS/NNS differences in the use of reporting verbs was even more apparent. In the NS corpus, as might be expected for argumentative writing, the verbs argue, agree and claim are high in frequency. The use of verbs of such high pragmatic import allow the American university writes to take on aboard or distance themselves by degrees from the information they are reporting in a way 4 that is not available to the Spanish writers, who do not seem to be aware of the modulating effect of these verbs. NS (American) REPORTING VERBS NNS (Spanish) REPORTING VERBS N VERB N FREQ. VERB FREQ. SAY 198 SAY 289 1 1 2 STATE SHOW 129 2 152 SHOW PRESENT 3 111 88 3 ARGUE 80 EXPLAIN 4 37 PRESENT 67 5 REFER TO 36 5 AGREE 6 46 AGREE 23 CLAIM 7 32 EXPRESS 7 21 8 RECOGNIZE 24 MAINTAIN 8 18 EXPRESS 22 SUM UP 9 18 EXPLAIN 10 EMPHASIZE 21 10 13 SUGGEST 11 18 POINT -OUT 11 13 WONDER 12 RECOGNIZE 18 12 13 CONCLUDE 13 ADMIT 16 13 10 MAINTAIN 14 CONCLUDE 14 14 10 POINT OUT 15 INDICATE 13 15 10 BRING OUT 16 POINT TO 12 16 10 DISAGREE 17 SUGGEST 12 17 10 REFER TO 18 ARGUE 12 18 8 NOTE 19 CLAIM 19 11 7 QUESTION 20 20 IMPLY 7 11 ADMIT 21 QUESTION 10 21 7 ACKNOWLEDGE 22 7 STATE 22 7 EMPHASJZF 23 7 UNDERLINE 23 7 IMPLY 24 WONDER 24 5 6 POINT TO 25 BRING ABOUT 25 5 3 26 HIGHLIGHT 26 DISAGREE 3 3 27 INDICATE 27 NOTE 2 3 ALLEGE 28 28 ALLEGE 2 1 29 29 PUT FORWARD 2 30 ACKNOWLEDGE 30 1 31 HIGHLIGHT 31 1 TOTAL 907 TOTAL 835 able 1. Frequency for Reporting Verbs used by NNS and NS (SUW), American Reporting verbs: Spanish university writers 3. A Comparison of Modal and professional newspaper writers (PNW) university writers (AUW) and further analysis of explore these previous findings by carrying out a In the present study, we attempt to university writers (SUW), in the argumentative texts of Spanish the same modals and reporting verbs (PNW). In this professional writers of newspaper editorials American university writers (AUW) and 194.845 words in the SUW consisted of argumentative texts for the three groups: case, the corpora in the PNW corpus, part of an English- in the AUW corpus and 113.475 words corpus, 149.790 words in Madrid editorials held at the Universidad Complutense Spanish contrastive corpus of newspaper findings, both for English-Spanish corpus to verify some of the (Marin, et al., 2000). We use this other the raw frequency of words differs among the three corpora, English and for Spanish. As the number 10,000 words. reported verb was normed on a basis of per count for each modal or the use of we can, showed positive politeness strategies in Since in the previous research the SUW texts already mentioned, non- in addition to the four modal verbs in the present study, we decided to include, being used in the in order to find out if this word cluster was epistemic must (as in we must consider) etc. same way as we can say, we can see, 10,000 words. We then overall figures for modal verbs, normed per We first present the data with some with the AUW, and finally, SUW with pairs: the AUW with the PNW, the SUW compare the corpora in by the three groups. the results for the use of reporting verbs PNW. The last section of data presents and PNW of modal verb use among SUW, AUW, 3.1. Overall quantitative comparison might, and must in figures for modal verbs can, could, may, Table 2 presents a comparison of normed general. MUST MIGHT MAY COULD CAN CORPUS 10.8 0.9 5.5 14.4 51.1 SUW 10.8 3.2 13 19.3 33.3 AUW 10.2 4.6 9.9 8.9 14.3 PNW 10,000 words SUW, AUW AND PNW modal verb use, normed per Table 2 . Although of can, in comparison with the other two groups. The most significant finding is the SUW use the difference between both the AUW and the professional writers, the SUW overused can in relation to these differences may significant (See Table 3, below). Some of the AUW and the professionals is also exactly like editorials are argumentative texts, they are not be due to genre effects, i.e., while newspaper dynamic modality Also much of the use of can is related to the essays produced by the student writers. epistemic necessity or possibility, and thus, can is not an (Palmer, 1979), i.e., expressing physical because interested in the use of this modal with the pronoun we modal. However, we were particularly inclusive stance (we can showed that Spanish writers construct an the results of the previous research used in English comparison to the more impersonal stance observe, we can think, we can wonder) in subject such as "the questioned, etc., or by using an impersonal (...as can be observed, X might be observed that..." ). instead of "in the previous research, we results of the previous research showed" 6 AUW and PNW 3.2. Comparison of modal verb use: the shows the significant differences between the Keyword tool of Word Smith, Table 3, based on data from and may, but not for might and must, significant difference for can, could, AUW and the PNW. There were table. which, therefore, do not appear in the PROF. NEWS WRITERS (PNW) AMER. U WRITERS (AUW ) MODAL VERB % Freq. % Freq. 0.0000 0.14 168 0.34 514 CAN 0.0000 0.09 101 0.19 290 COULD 0.0243 0.10 113 0.13 196 MAY P % Freq. % Freq. We + Modal 0.0450 < 0.01 7 0.02 23 We can modal verbs PNW for modal verbs and WE + Table 3. Comparison of AUW and tokens and in the next column, the of the table presents the number of The second column in the AUW section figures for all of the the fourth and fifth columns appear the same frequency of occurrence in all the AUW texts; modal verbs to proficient writers of English may rely less on PNW texts. These findings suggest that more hand, the differences might adverbs or adjectives. On the other modulate their propositions and perhaps more on and academic prose in (1999) found great differences between newspaper also reflect genre factors. Biber, et al. of Table 3 shows the only but not for much for might. The lower part regard to can, could, may and deontic must, frequency of we can for AUW for WE + Modal verb. The higher significant difference between the two groups mentioned discourse strategies from well as the transfer of the previously is, perhaps, a result of genre factors as point out, etc.). Spanish to English (i.e., the use of as we can see, we can SUW and AUW 3.3. Comparison of modal verb use: differences for all the SUW and AUW, shows significant The top part of Table 4, which compares research, except for the modal findings coincide with the previous modals verbs, except must. These increased, a significant words for the SUW corpus was In this study, when the number of could. In any case, these appeared for the modal verb could. difference between the SUW-AUW corpora should be carefully in numbers; each concordance line results are merely indicative of differing uses non-epistemic of could. However, the use of these explored in order to eliminate non-epistemic uses verb denotins mental this pattern usually involves a lexical coulds is still related to stance-taking, since used as metadiscourse markers. such as we could see, and we could say, or verbal processes, has besun to look at findings for the SUW corpus, our research team In order to better understand our French, Italian, and Dutch writers in the ICLE, specifically, the the data for some of the other student in the Spanish the very high frequency of the modal can EFL writers (Neff, et al. 2002). In relation to of this modal. close to the Spanish writers in their overuse data, only the French university writers come Spanish writers is not due to that such overuse on the part of the It seems reasonable, then, to suppose 7 probably all the EFL writers in the ICLE, although there are interlanguage characteristics involving factors involved. some developmental for we can and the differences between the SUW and the AUW The bottom part of the Table 4 presents tokens of can are non-epistemic, that is, of the AUW use of we can, many of the we must. In the case the (action) and, thus, reflect dynamic modality. On they are followed by verbs of material processes their use as by verbs of mental processes, thus reflecting other hand, the SUW use we can followed in of we must. The same difference will be observed metadiscourse markers (Dafouz, 1999), as does their use well. the comparison with the SUW and PNW as _ AMER. U WRITERS (AUW) SPAN. U WRITERS (SUW) % % P Freq. Freq. MODAL VERB 0.0000 0.34 514 0.51 997 CAN 0.0005 0.19 290 0.14 291 COULD .. 0.0000 0.03 48 < 0.01 18 MIGHT 0.0000 0.13 196 0.05 107 MAY - 1 _ P % -Freq. % Freq. We + Modal _ _ 0.0000 0.02 23 0.18 344 We can , 0,0148 0.01 22 0.03 54 We must modal verbs and WE + modal verbs Table 4. Comparison of SUW and AUW for and PNW 3.4. Comparison of modal verb use: AUW differences (can, could, might and may) reflect significant Table 5 shows that the same four modal verbs SUW but not for must. As in the comparison of the between the AUW corpus and the PNW corpus, underuse. We the SUW, while might and may showed with the AUM, can and could were overused by can is one of the first underuse reflects both developmental factors propose that such over- and students may be assuming that the modal can can and L I factors modals that Spanish students learn has a be used. However, this modal verb in Spanish be used wherever the Spanish modal poder can 'Puede example, in Spanish, it is possible to say wider epistemic meaning than can in English. For llover mafiana', meaning 'It might rain tomorrow.'). 8 (PNW) PROF. NEWS WRITERS SPAN. U WRITERS (SUW) % MODAL VERB Freq. % Freq. 0.0000 0.14 163 0.51 997 CAN 0.0003 0.09 101 0.14 291 r COULD 0.0000 0.10 113 < 0.01 18 MIGHT 0.0000 0.05 52 0.05 107 MAY % P % Freq. _Freq. We + Modal 0.00000 < 0.01 7 0.18 344 We can _ 0,00007 < 0.01 7 0.03 54 We must modal verbs AUW for modal verbs and WE + Table 5. Comparison of SUW and the verb for the two groups. As in the comparison of we + modal The bottom part of Table 5 presents do not appear because they show no AUW, we may and we might comparison of the SUW with the plus is, for these two latter modals by the professional writers. That significant difference with their use Since the SUW do show a significantly writers look more like the other two groups. we, the Spanish factors influence which conclusion is that developmental different use of we can and we must, our the SUW do not seem to feel have at hand. In other words, pragmatic devices the Spanish writers all of the pragmatic meaning and perhaps assume that can will carry comfortable in using may and might Italian, like interference factors. These results may point to typological of the Spanish modal poder. In other indicate may and might. and also uses the verb potere to Spanish, has as few modals verbs writers mentioned above (Spanish, argumentative texts of the university research carried out with the and the Italian texts showed the EFL students), both the Spanish Belgian French, Italian and Dutch perhaps to a similar transfer of canfind, and we can say, pointing highest frequencies for we can see,we discourse strategies as well. this deontic modal co-occurs with we part of the SUW's use of In relation to the use of we must, a great closers (Dafouz, 2000), e.g., like metadiscursive topic introducers or in sentences that look very much that think that..., At last, we must state take into account..., We must We must also consider, We must constructed in Spanish and, we suspect, related to the way writer stance is etc. We believe this is ..., discourse in peninsular Spanish, that is, issues of interactional patterns used may point to the broader (Ballesteros 1999). strategies based on power and -distance SUW, AUW and PNW 3.5. A comparison of reporting verb use among and the other two_groups is significant differences between the SUW For the reporting verbs, the most the percentages of use within display the frequencies for each token, shown in Tables 6 and 7, which of the differences. each corpus and the statistical significance 9 AMERICAN U WRITERS (AUW) SPANISH U WRITERS (SUW) REPORTING P VERB % Fre,. % Fre , . 0.0000 0.13 19'8 0.21 416 SAY 0.034 < 0.01 0 < 0.01 8 UNDERLINE 0.02186 < 0.01 12 < 0.01 4 DISAGREE 0.005 0.02 24 < 0.01 11 RECOGNIZE 0.002 0.02 32 < 0.01 16 CLAIM 0.0000 -0.05 80 < 0.01 17 ARGUE 0.0000 0.09 129 < 0.01 STATE 11 verbs Table 6. Comparison of the SUW and the AUW for reportmg the significantly different reporting verbs produced by The top part of Table 6 shows the two most which they the SUW overuse say and underline, by SUW, in comparison to the AUW. As can be seen, that is, the most significantly the bold line, the table shows the opposite, mean "emphasize". Below SUW, in comparison to the AUW. The findings are different reporting verbs under-produced by the It appears that SUW do not have a large study. similar to those already described for a previous import. repertoire of reporting verbs that carry pragmatic the findings are different, but still involve almost However, when the SUW are compared to the PNW, by Table 7 shows the most significantly over-used verb the same set of reporting verbs. The top part of of This finding may be a result of genre effects, since some the SUW, in comparison to the PNW: show. "... he is a and thus contain sentences such as the SUW essays were actually literature exam papers there may be some in the people who are around him...". As well, corrupt character. This can be shown All of the other involve show in the sense ofprove (establish facts). uses of the verb show which do not of these by the SUW in comparison to the PNW. Three verbs listed below the bold line were underused comparison to the American student writers: four underused verbs were also under-used by the SUW in writers have a very These findings susgest again that the Spanish EFL argue, recognize, and claim. towards the reliability of the knowledge being limited repertoire with which to express writer attitude tokens), in significantly underused by both the SUW and the AUW (18 put forth. One verb, suggest, was sophisticated hedging devices used by the latter. comparison with the professionals, pointing to the more 0

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