Development Begins At Home. Problems and Prospects of the Sociology of Development

335 Pages·1982·5.054 MB·English

by  C. A. O. Van Nieuwenhuijze (Auth.)

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Development Begins at Home
PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS
OF THE SOCIOLOGY OF DEVELOPMENT
BY
C. A. O. VAN NIEUWENHUIJZE
PERGAMON PRESS
OXFORD NEW YORK · TORONTO · SYDNEY · PARIS · FRANKFURT
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OF GERMANY Hammerweg 6, Federal Republic of Germany
Copyright © 1982 C.A.O. van Nieuwenhuijze
All Rights Reserved. No part of this publication may be
reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted
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publishers.
First edition 1982
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Nieuwenhuijze, C.A.O. van (Christoffel
Anthonie Olivier van), 1920-
Development begins at home.
Includes bibliographical references and
index.
1. Economic development - Addresses, essays,
lectures. 2. Sociology - Research - Addresses,
essays, lectures. 3. Social change - Addresses,
essays, lectures. 4. Underdeveloped areas -
Addresses, essays, lectures. I. Title.
HM35.N486 1982 303.4'84'091724 82-304
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
Nieuwenhuijze, C.A.O. van
Development begins at home.
1. Economic development - Social aspects
I. Title
330.9 HM35
ISBN 0-08-027415-3
Printed in Great Britain by The Anchor Press Ltd, Essex
Introduction
Ac ADEMI A is no longer an ivory tower. The winds of change can now be felt.
In the social sciences particularly, topics of academic interest come and go.
Not only academic interest, but relevancy is necessary.
For some two decades there has been a growing interest in development. It
is hard to say whether it has approached or just passed its zenith. Certainly it
has been served by an appropriate spate of articles and books.
In these circumstances, there comes a time when the prospective author,
faced with a near-saturated market, has to choose between the clear and
simple summing-up or refraining altogether. Not so, however, with the
sociology of development. After a quarter of a century of vigorous sociological
work on development, the answers seem more remote than ever and the
questions more and more enigmatic.
It is clear, in retrospect, that when the problem of development emerged, it
caught sociology off its guard. The Third World had not really come within its
purview. The prevailing tacit division of labour between the sociological and
anthropological professions seemed to place it in the latter's bailiwick. How-
ever, given sociology's claim to generality, to exclude such a huge slice of
mankind is hardly proper. An anecdote will illustrate the quandary: As late as
1960 I heard one respectable sociologist say to a colleague, who was planning a
sabbatical in a Third World country, "What on earth could a general socio-
logist find in such a place that could possibly be worth his interest?". (This
question didn't prevent the other man from going.)
Occasionally, slow starters succeed in making up for lost time. There is no
clear consensus on whether this was so in the case of sociology. Some socio-
logists took up development more or less in the wake of others, notably econo-
mists, who had ventured in before. Others tried to plough their own furrow.
Both approaches have scored a modicum of success; both have run into
problems as they forged ahead, and not all of these have been resolved. A pass
grade, not a glorious record of achievement.
Are there obstacles? Of course there are; but at least one is rather special.
The predominant Western style of living and thinking proves less than con-
ducive to the elaboration of a properly sociological vision of development. I
propose to call this style "economism"1 and to discuss it in due course.
1
2 Development Begins at Home
In addition, there is reason to suspect handicaps inherent in the discipline of
sociology itself. Its proper style of conceiving of real phenomena is less than
congenial to change and development. This lack of congruence is so pervasive
that attention is rarely focused on it. But this can only make it more important
and worthy of attention as the argument unfolds.
Internal and external problems like these are not part of the routine of an
active discipline. They dig deeper and extend further. Ultimately they
question the raison d'etre and the prospects of the discipline concerned. I have
slowly become convinced that development presents a major challenge for the
social sciences, notably sociology: perhaps its main challenge in the immediate
future. This is what this book is about.
The first three chapters set the scene. Development has attracted growing
attention ever since decolonization began. The term has elicited an astounding
variety of definitions, and responses to match: reflecting, in their turn, highly
diverse attitudes. To try and chart this confusing wealth is almost as
hazardous as it is laborious; but it seems indispensable nonetheless.
For many years development has been considered a typical Third World
concern, though requiring considerable rich-country involvement. Now it is
recognized to have worldwide ramifications. What is more, there exists a
growing awareness that the development problems of the Third World and
certain critical issues of the rich countries are equally symptomatic of the
emergence of a One World pattern. Thus perceived, these assembled
problems fall into a pattern that will not necessarily spell doom. The meaning
of development, particularly, achieves more scope and greater clarity.
The second group of three chapters concentrates on development studies and
the sociology of development as part of these. The field of development studies
is customarily considered to be the privileged domain of economics. Nonethe-
less, development is generally taken to be a problem concerning - and a
process involving - entire societies: not merely their economic sectors. The
contradiction between these views is apparently reconciled in the typically
Western vision informing both - the lifestyle, or living philosophy, here
referred to as "economism". This outlook, which has built the Western world
and marked its heyday, is beginning to lose vigour. The need to replace it
contributes to the growing pains of the emergent One World. The pertinent
effort cannot always avoid adding to the accompanying confusion.
This is the framework within which sociology contributes its share to
development studies. It is arguable whether this contribution is outstanding,
mediocre or disappointing. One senses vague disappointment here and there,
which is not always as stimulating as righteous dissatisfaction. An in-depth
probe into sociological theory, employing a new typology of basic conceptual
models, is undertaken to assess the record. It is supplemented by a further
Introduction 3
investigation into what sociology has to say about the societal framework of
development, notably the state.
This exercise points up the considerable wealth of sociology in dealing with
change and, to a lesser extent, with development. At the same time it marks
certain basic weaknesses and reviews budding efforts to overcome them.
The final three chapters represent an effort to identify points of departure for
current and prospective work in the sociology of development. One is the
profile of underdevelopment, sociologically understood, along with the
matching configuration of development goals. Another is the true meaning of
social development, as opposed to economic development. Such concerns of
the longer term should not cause the sociologist to overlook the immediate
stumbling blocks: these too are worth inspecting. The gist of this concluding
exercise is that development may well cause the general outlook of sociology to
change. The prospect is for a sociology of human dignity in the social nexus.
Many years ago I had the misfortune to antagonize a respected senior
economist by innocently voicing the opinion that there is more to development
than its economics. The response was stunning, and who was I to try and
expostulate? Of course this book is not meant to argue my case retrospectively.
The fact remains that it took two decades to articulate what I was then trying
to say - and nobody knows better than I that this is by no means a definitive
presentation. Meanwhile, it has not taken the economist concerned quite so
long to recognize that I did, after all, have a point. Several years ago he was
gallant enough to tell me so, entirely of his own accord. Still, here is the
explanation I have owed him all these years. Thus considered, this book is also
a move in a continuing interdisciplinary dialogue.
It has taken further stimuli to undertake and finish this job. I am particu-
larly grateful for opportunities to lecture on social development in various
settings and to diverse audiences, such as the Research and Planning
Division, Ministry of Social Affairs, Cairo; the National Center for Social and
Criminological Research, also in Cairo; and the specialized development
training institutes at the Graduate School of Public and International Affairs,
University of Pittsburgh. An invitation to spend some time for concentrated
research at the OECD Development Centre, Paris, proved most stimulating.
None of this would have been possible without a sabbatical leave exceptionally
granted by the Institute of Social Studies at The Hague.
From ideas to typescript the road is long and arduous. The writer himself
travels the least part of it. For by far the most part he incurs a major debt of
gratitude. A word of cordial thanks is in order, addressed to Miss Jenny van
der Mijle and those who, at various stages, assisted her with this project.
Writing in a foreign language has the particular charm that one uses the
medium of expression much more consciously. Its drawbacks, however, are
obvious. It was a great relief, therefore, to accept the gracious offer of
4 Development Begins at Home
Professor W. D. Wall, just retired from the University of London, to
eliminate the worst solecisms. It is clearly not his responsibility that this
remains a book in what may be euphemistically called international English.
D. R. Denman has written: "Universal language employed to fashion
common vehicles of communication, particularly the use of English, has in
certain ways caused more confusion than clarity." 2 The reader will judge to
what extent I have succeeded in heeding his warning.
NOTES
1 In virtually the same sense, the ecologist D. Ehrenfeld uses the term "humanism": The
Arrogance of Humanism, Oxford (University Press), 1978, paperb., 1981.
2 D. R. Denman, The Place of Property, A New Recognition of the Function and Form of Property Rights
in Land, Berkhamsted, Herts (Geographical Publications), 1978, p. 10.
CHAPTER 1
The Setting: The Emergent One World
Walau shä'a rabukka laja'ala Ί-näs ummatan wähidatan.
(Had the Lord willed, He would have made all people one nation)
Qur'än, XI: 118
THE INCIDENCE and shape of events will be perceived, by many, as a matter of
power exerted and undergone. This power, in its turn, will be seen as
potential or effective compulsion: more customarily phrased, political-
economic power. Current discourse in history and social sciences is, to an
overwhelming extent, cast in these terms; so are the disagreements that will
punctuate it at irregular intervals. There is, however, no good reason to
assume that such a style of discourse is the only possible one.
Power, if that is the key notion to adhere to, can also be seen to be potential
or effective conviction. In line with this perception, history will be seen as a
matter of ideas - not Platonic ones, for sure, but live ones. This approach, of
looking at reality as if ideas mattered, appears to be anathema to the pro-
tagonists of certain variants of the other one - a circumstance that does not
bespeak width of vision on their part. Whether for this reason or for others, it
does attract less attention.
The resulting one-sidedness in current discourse can but mean impoverish-
ment. An attempt to restore the balance should, accordingly, be opportune.
This chapter is designed to contribute to such an attempt. It will briefly
review colonialism and the emergent One World in terms of the history of
ideas.
(A) HISTORICAL BACKDROP
The emergence of the One World is the backdrop against which our chosen
subject appears. It can be described as a salient aspect of world history - in the
customary sense of the word - around World War II. For the purpose of brief
presentation, it is helpful to recall one or two basic considerations about
history-writing. These should obviate any possible misunderstandings about
the way the backdrop relates to the scene enacted against it, and vice-versa.
History-telling is the effort to attribute sense to the present (more exactly,
7
8 Development Begins at Home
one's own - individual or collective - present), through interpretative des-
cription of the relevant past. Its use is not really different from that of myth.1
History will be written in various ways, according to the conditions, especially
the presuppositions and aims, of the person writing, and again of those for
whom he writes. Besides, the historical perspective will be foreshortened. The
more remote past is telescoped: fewer records, less detail, less experience of
immediate relevancy. Occasions will arise when history needs to be rewritten
- whether by reinterpretation of known, or reintroduction of neglected, data.
This happens when the experience of the present and the perception of the
future are felt to be the captives of an established historical paradigm that
turns into an encumbrance.
In all these respects, the present is experienced as the concluding act or cul-
mination of the process of history. A mild dose of concern about the future
suffices to question this. The habit of seeing the present as a culmination and
therefore as the central concern is warranted by nothing more fundamental
than the incidental historian's role in the act of history-writing. History
appears to move towards the observing and describing subject, just as the
future seems to run away from him; yet his centrality to the universe is a mere
matter of his own perception - ineluctable yet subjective. We shall have
occasion to return to this issue of the centrality of self (whether individual or
collective) in the experienced universe.
The standard description of the emergence of the One World will start from
late European colonialism as a pattern in need of a successor. For backdrop, it
refers to a period of Western, especially European, history, of between one
and two centuries. Landmarks in it include the Industrial Revolution ushering
in scientific, technological and economic advancement and, on the other
hand, secularization and the series of political crises commencing with the
French Revolution, and summed up as democratization.
With Europe so highly visible as the centre from which impulses and
developments originated, and with Europeans and other Westerners so active
in these developments, it is natural for the entire process to have become
perceived mainly in a European or Western manner. Such other viewpoints
and experiences as undoubtedly existed were scattered and varied, and had
less effect upon the formation of an aggregate image.
As a result, we are now accustomed to refer to the Third World2 as under-
developed or, less offensively, developing. Further on, we shall inspect the
meanings and connotations of these epithets. What matters here is that both
the label "Third World" and the adjective "underdeveloped" are beginning
to be subject to scrutiny.3 There is cause to reconsider the standard historical
image to which they correspond.
In inspecting the relationship between the West and the world,4 it will help to
avoid the ethnocentrism typical of much Western writing about world history.
The emergent One World 9
To this purpose I propose to borrow, from J. Romein, the concept of the
Common Human Pattern (CHP). 5 The West, in this perception, is character-
ized by having deviated from CHP. Conversely, CHP serves as a - more or
less hypothetical - benchmark for an exercise in describing the peculiarities of
Western civilization. It helps to clarify the way they have emerged and
eventually resulted in considerable advantage - over a period that is now
seen, by many, to be drawing to a close.
To mark the difference, a few sketchy remarks on CHP are in order first.
Within CHP, man,6 as a collective category, will (1) secure sustenance, con-
tinuity, and, perhaps, comfort, (2) through particular modes of interaction -
including conscious and purposive interaction, whether direct or mediated, (3)
between "self" (individual or collective) and "environment", i.e. surround-
ing reality, both human and non-human, (4) so far as perceived as relevant.
He will in fact (5) tend to optimalize his advantage or ascendancy - that is,
strive to maximize them within the constraints experienced to be beyond his
control. Of these, there are many, both within "self" and especially outside
"self". They effectively limit his ascendancy and prevent it from becoming
all-out domination. This pattern differs subtly yet decisively from the Western
one evoked in the Introduction, under the label "economism". Here Western
man is promethean and gets away with it - up to a point. We shall discuss this
further in Chapter 4.
The difference between the West and CHP is the central theme of this
chapter. We shall have to inspect some of its major implications, notably those
relating to development. By way of advance warning, a crucially important
observation is in order. Though subtle, this difference has yet been decisive;
but it could be neither fundamental nor everlasting. It marks a particular
period of human history. Its appearance is very much a matter of the way it
looks to one of the parties involved, namely the West.
The first aspect to be taken up is the matter of ascendancy and dominance, not
generally of man versus environment, but more specifically of Western man
versus the rest of the world. The matter at hand, then, can be presented as a
case of dominance of one human collectivity over others.
We use CHP as the benchmark. In the CHP framework, a successful
collectivity will prove expansive. There is, so to speak, an imperial thrust. It
tools up for the purpose in many ways, including perceptions of reality
("world views") as well as technology of many kinds. Once it overexpands
beyond the limits within which it can maintain itself, for example by over-
straining its communications or exhausting its accessible resources, it risks
committing suicide. (In all this, CHP man is perhaps not basically different
from other species of animals.)
Consider now Europe at the time when it deviated from CHP.7 It began as
the scattered remains of past empire, each being reinstitutionalized singly, yet
in a novel, complicated, neighbourly interaction. Features shared in common