Core Concepts in Cultural Anthropology

137 Pages·2009·63.514 MB·English

by  Robert Lavenda, Emily Schultz

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Higher Education
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ISBN: 978-0-07-353098-7
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Lavenda, Robert H.
Core concepts in cultural anthropology I Robert Lavenda, Emily
Schultz. - 4th ed.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN-13: 978-0-07-353098-7 (alk. paper)
ISBN-10: 0-07-353098-0 (alk. paper)
1. Ethnology. 2. Ethnology-Bibliography. I. Schultz, Emily A.
(limily Ann), 1949- 11. Title.
(;N.116.1,39 2010
106-- tk22 200805 1736
'I'll(. 1111rr11ard1d. resses listed in the text were accurate at tllr ri~~l01i *I )II~I~~(.;II~I)'II'Ill.( . ~IIC~IIS~OofI I
.I Wc1) \irt. tlocs not indicate an endorsement by tbr iti~tll~01~. M~-L+.( ;I.,IIW {i ll, ;~t~(Ml c(; r;~w-Hill
tl~,r\II OI RII.I~:IIIIth~e~ accuracy of the informatioil jrtc~rti~r~lll lr\r \it~*k,.
'
Contents e
Preface ix
CHAPTER 1 Anthropology 1
1.1 An Anthropological Perspective 2
1.2 The Subfields of Anthropology 3
1.3 Is Anthropology a Science? Modernism,
Postmodernism, and Beyond 10
1.4 Reflexive Anthropology 1 1
CHAPTER2 Culture 15
2.1 Culture Against Racism: The Early
Twentieth Century 16
2.2 The Evolution of Culture 19
2.3 Culture and Symbolism 21
2.4 Ethnocentrism and Cultural
Relativism 23
2.5 The Boundaries of Culture? 25
2.6 The Concept of Culture in a Global
World: Problems and Practices 27
2.7 Culture: Contemporary Discussion
and Debate 30
2.8 Culture: A Contemporary
Consensus 32
CHAPTER 3 Language 33
3.1 Studying Language: A Historical
Sketch 34
3.2 The Building Bloclzs of Language 37
vi CONTENTS CONTENTS vii
3.3 Languagc ;111cl (:iilture 39 7.7 Social Control and Law 123
3.4 Languagc and Society 41 7.8 Nationalism and Hegemony 125
3.5 Discourse 44
CHAPTER8 Economic Anthropology 131
3.6 Language (:ontact and Change 47
8.1 The "Arts of Subsistence" 132
CHAPTER4 Culture and the Individual 51 8.2 Subsistence Strategies 133
4.1 From Individualism to Agency 52 8.3 Explaining the Material Life Processes
4.2 Culture and Personality 54 of Society 13 6
4.3 Enculturation 56 8.4 Modes of Exchange 139
4.4 The Self 59 8.5 Production, Distribution,
4.5 Cognition and Cognitive and Consumption 141
Anthropology 62 8.6 Mode of Production 143
4.6 Cognitive Styles 63 8.7 Peasants 144
4.7 Emotion 64 8.8 Consumption 148
CHAPTER5 Expressive Culture: Religion, Worldview, CHAPTER9 Relatedness: Kinship and Descent 153
+ +
and Art 67 9.1 Kinship Versus Biology 154
5.1 Religion 68 9.2 Descent 156
5.2 Myth 71 9.3 BilateralDescent 157
5.3 Ritual 72 9.4 Unilineal Descent 159
5.4 Magic and Witchcraft 75 9.5 Kinship Terminologies 163
5.5 Religious Practitioners 80
CHAPTER10 Marriage and Family 167
5.6 Change in Religious Systems 81 +
10.1 What Is Marriage? 1 68
5.7 Art 83
10.2 Whom to Marry and Where
5.8 The Anthropology of Media 86
to Live 169
CHAPTER6 The Dimensions of Social Organization 89 10.3 How Many Spouses? 171
6.1 What Is Social Organization? 90 10.4 Marriage as Alliance 1 73
6.2 Dimensions of Social Organization 92 10.5Family 175
6.3 Caste and Class 96
CHAPTER11 Globalization and the Culture
6.4 Race 100
6.5 Ethnicity 101 of Capitalism 179
6.6 Gender 103 11.1 The Cultural Legacy of Colonialism 180
6.7 Sexuality 106 11.2 Analyzing Sociocultural Change in the
Postcolonial World 183
CHAPTER7 + Political Anthropology 109 11.3 Globalization 189
7.1 Power 110
11 .4 The Cultural Effects of Contact 192
7.2 Political Ecology and Political
11.5 Globalization, Citizenship, and Human
Economy 212
Rights 195
7.3 Disputes and Dispute Resolution 114
7.4 Forms of Political Organization 2 16 ( :I IAI~'I~I1~2I < 'I'licory in Cultural Anthropology 201
7.5 Social Stratification 119 11. 1 A1lihr~ol~olot:,Iy& Scir-11c-c. 202
7.0 1:or111bo f Political Activity 120 12.2 Niireteenth-t 1etltur.y Apprr,itchcs 20 1
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to covering the discipline is limited. It can also be used suggwtcd readings, whi&-dong with an extensive endsf-book
very successfully in conjunction with other readimp, eiher bibliography-directs students to more detailed discussions, The
anthologies or ethnographies, or both. Core Cow&@ index allows students to quickly find the key terms they ned.
in Cultural Anthropology may be assigned at the begin- An online Study Guide provides additional learning hdp.
114
*,,
ning of the term to go along with introductory lectures + Ixlcludes a chapter on theory. Because all anthropologic~,
and be referred to as needed. Another approach, popular
writing is theoretically situated, we have included a cha*
with users of earlier editions of Core Concepts in Cultural
on theory in cultural anthropology. We think it is important
Anthropology, is to assign specific chapters to be read along
for students to get a sense of how the texts they are reading
with particular ethnographies or course topics. To accom-
fit into a broader theoretical context of the discipline. We
modate various uses, we have made each chapter as self-
' also think they need some intellectual tools for interpretfng
' contained as possible. Each chapter has numbered section
what they are reading: Ethnographic writing often refers to
If headings to make it easier for students to navigate the text
alternative theoretical positions, and it is useful for students
"
, ' and to give instructors additional flexibility should they wish to know the issues those positions have raised in the coucse,
"
to assign segments of chapters in novel ways best suited for
of ongoing anthropological discussion and debate. -+.
the organization of their courses. We have included cross-
+ Provides a unique appendix on reading ethnography. This dis-
references to related topics in other chapters wherever possi-
tinctive guide provides students with a set of tools for effectively ' \ 1
ble. If the order of our chapters does not fit your arrangement #, '
reading ethnographic writing. It looks at how ethnographies are ;
of topics in your course, please rearrange the chapters and
put together and how they are written; it also offers students
sections in any order that works for you. We think our order
strategies for getting the most from their reading.
makes sense, but instructors should feel free to assign
(or omit) the chapters and sections in whatever way best suits As we put the book together, we had to decide whether some
'
their approach to teaching anthropology. /1 concepts would be addressed in more than one place in the text.
I
For the sake of concision, we decided to confine the discussion
Brief and affordable. What you have in y o f k d si s in
of some topics to a single chapter (for example, the discussion
unadorned framework for teaching c d d an thropology. Quite
of research methods is found only in Chapter 1).I n other cases,
intentionally, there are no photographs, no lavish graphics, no
elaborate text boxes, no extended ethnographic examples. A where we concluded that the same concepts needed to be discussed
consequence of writing a concise introduction is that many of in more than one chapter, cross-references are provided in the text
the details and nuances of the field are left out. We assume that (for example, discussions of different kinds of ecological anthro-
instructors will provide favorite ethnographic examples both pology appear in Chapters 8 and 9).
in class and in other readings to illustrate the issues they raise
I I
in class. It is our hope that the brevity and affordability of this
What's New an the Fourth Edition?
text d allow the assignment of additional course readings and
+ Taking account of reviewers' comments, we have s b t -
will engender lectures and class discussions that bring back the
ened the list of key terms at the beginning of Chapt
nuance and subtlety that are a part of every human endeavor,
("Language"), 4 ("Culture and the Individual"),
including anthropology, teaching, and learning. .,,,
7 ("Political Anthropology"), 8 ("Economic Anthropology").
I .
Provides useful study aids. Each chapter opens with a list of key 9 ("Relatedness: Kinship and Descent"), and 11
terms discussed in tlpt chapter. Each chapter ends with a list of ("Globalization and the Culture of Capitalism"). In several
of these chapters, the discussions of the key terms have been Chapter 11, "Globalization and the Culture of Capitalism,"
eliminated; in others, we decided that not every term we men- now contains a discussion of commodity chains and other
tion rates the status of "key term"; such secondaq terms are global assemblages.
italicized in the text. . , *, .
r Chapter 12, "Theory in Cultural Anthropology," has been
*
We have introdhced discussions of collaborative ethnogra- updated to cover some of the theoretical initiatives of the last
phy into Chapter 1 and "Appendix: Reading Ethnographic decade.
Writing."
+ In all chapters, the list of suggested readings has been
+ The discussion of applied anthropology has been expanded to expanded and updated as needed.
cover cross-hsciplinary practices.
+ The discussion of race in Chapter 2 has been expanded Acknowledgments
i
and strengthened. :I ;,
For valuable suggestions on the appendix, we would like to thank Tom ... ' '1
Chapter 3, "Language," has been revised: Some of the more O'Toole and Katherine Woodhouse Beyer. Our editor at McGraw-Hill, '.I.
.,,+tailed discussions of formal linguistics analysis have been Phil Butcher, and the entire production team have been a pleasure to .$,
r eliminated, and a new sertinn on language revitalization has work with. We would also lie to thank the reviewers of the text who .r,
been added. were so generous and careful with their comments: Juliet K. Brophy,
Texas A&M University; James F. Eder, Arizona State University;
Chapter 5 is now called "Expressive Culture: Religion,
Jocelyn Linnekin, University of Connecticut; and Randall McGuire,
Worldview, and Art." It includes new material on religious
Binghamton University.
change, art worlds, art and identity, and media anthropology. Finally, we would like to thank Jan Beatty, who suggested a
book like this to us in the first place. This continties to be an inter-
+ In Chapter 6, we have included an expanded discussion of
esting and valuable project for us as it pushes us to think about the
feminist anthropology, gender studies, and sexualities.
different ways in which cultural anthropology might be presented.
I;
+ Chapter 7, "Politlcal Anthropology," has an enhanced We hope that you find it to be an effective tool for teaching anthro-
discussion of cultural ecology and aolitical ecology, a brief pology to new generations of students.
discussion of law and human right d a discussion of the
1'.
invenfion of tradition.
+ In Chapter 8, "Economic Ant,u,u,u,y," we hakc ..;earn-
lined the section on Marxist economic theory, revised the
discussion of cultural ecology, and added a discussion of
global assemblages.
+ In Chapter 9, now called "Relatedness: Kinship and '
Descent," we have eliminated the lengthy discussion of
cousin terminology and have extended the discussion of the
relatedness implications of assisted reproduction and organ
-
tran~plantatioW"~~~'~ 1,. . , \
'I-

that the patterns of life common in their own societies were not
necessarily followed in other societies. And so, anthropology is a
comparative discipline: Anthropologists must consider similarities
I
and differences in a& wide a range of human mtieties as possible
before generalizing about what it means to be human.
A
YTHROPOLOGY IS A DISCIPLINE that exists at the borders of Because anthropology is interested in human beings in all
the social sciences, the humanities, and the biologic places and at all times, anthropologists are curious about how
ences. The term comes from two Greek words: anthropos, mc we got to be what we are today. For this reason, anthropology is
"human beings," and logra, "the study of." The "study of huma evolutionary. A major branch of anthropology is concerned with
bemgs" would seem to be a rather broad topic for any one fielc the study of the biological evolution of the human species over
but anthropologists take the name of their discipline seriously, an time, including the study of human origins and genetic variety and
anything that has to do with human beings probably is of potential inheritance in living human populations. Some anthropologists
interest to anthropologists. Indeed, anthropology can be formally have also been interested in cultural evolution, looking for pat-
defined as the study of human nature, human society, and the terns of orderly change over time in soc~allya cquired behavior
human past. This means that some anthropologists study human that is not carried in the genes. ., ri:. , . , , ,,.. '., ,; .
origifis, others try to understand diverse contemporary ways of life,
and some excavate the past or try to understand why we speak the
--
ways we do. I 1
Anthropology in North America histor~callyh as been divided in& 1
four major subfields: biological anthropology, cultural anthropolo&2
,,,
1.1 An ~nthro~oIogicPaeIr spective
lingustic anthropology, and archaeology.
Given its breadth, what coherence anthropology has as a discipline Biological anthropology is the subfield of anthropology that look
comes from its perspective. Anthropology is holistic, comparative, at human beings as biological organisms. Biological anthropologisi
field based, and evolutionary. For anthropologists, being holistic are interested in many different aspects of human biology, includin
means trying to fit together all that is known about human beings. our simlarities to and ddferences from other living organisms. Tho:
That is, anthropologists draw on the findings of many different dis- who study the closest living relatives of human beings-the nonh~
cipl~nesth at study human beings (human biology, economics, and man primates (chimpanzees and gorillas, for example)-are calle
religion, for example), as well as data on s~milart opics that they primatologists. Those who specialize in the study of the fossilize
have collected, and attempt to produce an encompassing picture of bones and teeth of our earliest ancestors are called paleoanthropolc
human life. In the same way, when an anthropologist studies a spe- gists. Other biological anthropologists examine the genetic variatio
cific group of people, the goal is to produce a holistic portrait of that among and within different human populations or investigate vari;
people's way of life by bringing together information about many tion in human skeletal biology (for example, measuring and compa
different facets of their lives-social, religious, economic, polit~cal, ing the shapes and sizes of bones or teeth using skeletal remains fro1
linguistic, and so forth-in order to provide a nuanced context for different human populations). Newer specialties focus on human
understanding who they are and why they do what they do. adaptability in different ecological settings, on human growth and
However, to generalize about human nature, human society, development, and on the connections between a population's evolu-
and the human past requires information from as wide a range tionary history and its susce-p tibility to disease. Forensic anthopolo
of human groups as possible. Anthropologists realized long ago gists use their knowledge of hum,.a-n anatomy to aid law-enforcemen
-Y I ....~
". . I if I I
-
and human rights investigators by assisting in the idenaigrdon of Intwaet, far cxmple-hayt base incorporated into and c o b
skeletal material found at crime or accident sites or at dtmlassoei- to mdify the cultural practices of peoples throughout the world,
ated with possible human rights violations. ,,I&.,..a , . In all of these cases, the comparative nature of an&ropolag$
Overlapping biological anthropology and cultural anthropol- fiequires that whar is taken for granted by members of a speci&
ogy is the vibrant and relatively new field of medical anthropolog: bociety-the anthropologist's own, as much as any other-m
Medical anthropologists study the factors that contribute t be examined, or "problematized." As a result, there is a dou
human disease or illness as well as the ways in which huma movement in anthropology: Anthropologisrs study other ways
groups respond to them. Medical anthropological research cove10 lifenot only to understand them in their own terms but als~$~&'
. ,
a vast range of topics, ranging from alcohol use in various socie- the anthropologists' own ways of life in perspective. l+fibW8 & , , ;Il/
ties, to the dimensions of the AIDS pandemic cross-culturally, to To make their discipline comparative, cultural anthr0~016~ik . ,. ,
social aspects of medical care, to the effects of stress, violence, and immerse themselves in the lives of other
social suffering. p,1,-1-, 1 edtural anthropology is rooted in fieldwork, an
Cultdral anthropbl&m @ometimes called soczal anthropology personal, long-term experience with a specific
in Great Britain) is another major subfield of anthropology. heir way of life. Where possible,
Cultural anthropologists investigate how variation in the beliefs year or more with the people whose way of life is of concern
:::;
and behaviors of members of different human groups is shaped them. The result is a fine-grained knowledge of the everyday deta@ ' 7,:,, 1" ,,
,':?! I
by culture, sets of learned behaviors and ideas that human cef life. Cultural anthropologists get to know people as individuah:. ',
beings acquire as members of society. (For a fuller discussion of hot as "data sets." They remember the names and faces of peo& 81(:(~ ,' ,
the concept of culture, see Chapter 2.) Cultural anthropologists who, over the course of a year or more, have become familiar & .A II.J .! 7 ,;
1
specialize in specific domains of human cultural activity. Some $hem as cornpi& and complicated men, women, and chldren. Th@ ,,,I, 1 , 8
study the ways people organize themselves to carry out collective fiemember the feel of the noonday sun, the sounds of the morni& .. 0, : ,~
.
tasks, whether economic, political, or spiritual. Others focus on the smells of food cooking, the pace and rhythm of life. In this sen&: 1, .I! I"
1 ',
the forms and meanings of expressive behavior in human socie- anthropology traditionally has been an experiential discipline. TI&;,
ties-langyage, art, music, ritual, religion, and the like. Still others approach does, of course, have drawbacks as well as ad van tag&$:;'^,
J,'',$''I , ,"
examine material culture-the things people make and use, such Anthropologists are not usually able to make macrolevel genera&!;
i
as clothing, housing, and tools, and the techniques they employ izations about an entire nation or society, and their attention is n%#' !
'iht.'
to get food and produce material goods. They may also study the usually directed toward national or International policy-making or
ways in which technologies and environments shape each other. data collection. They are often, however, well aware of the effecds
For some time, cultural anthropologists have been interested in of national or international decisions on the local level. In fact, in
the way nowWestern peoples have responded to the and recent years, a number of anthropologists have done illuminating
economic challenges of European colonialism and the capitalist work about nations, refugees and migrations, and internation-'
industrial technology that came with it. They investigate contem- and global processes.
porary issues of gender and sexuality, transnational labor migra- Peo~lew ho share information about their wav of life with
tion, and the post-cold war resurgence of ethnicity and nationalism anthropologists traditionally have been called informants. In recent
around the world. And some cultural anthropologists have begun years, however, a number of anthropologists have become uncom-
50 examine the ways in which forms of science and technology fortable with that term, which to some conjures up images of police
$hat originated ln the West-biotechnology, computers, and the informers and to others seems to reduce fiilly rounded inclvidd tci
,