China’s Technology War Why Beijing Took Down Its Tech Giants China’s Technology War Andrew Collier China’s Technology War Why Beijing Took Down Its Tech Giants Andrew Collier Pine Court Pokfulam, Hong Kong ISBN 978-981-19-3041-6 ISBN 978-981-19-3042-3 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-3042-3 © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval,electronicadaptation,computersoftware,orbysimilarordissimilarmethodology now known or hereafter developed. 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Theregisteredcompanyaddressis:152BeachRoad,#21-01/04GatewayEast,Singapore 189721, Singapore I dedicate this book to my two children, Alex and Abigail. I wish them the best of luck. Preface This book required an understanding of a number of areas, including economics, finance, political science, history, and sociology, about which I can only say I have deep experience in one or two. I must acknowl- edge my debt to a number of other experts in various fields who were instrumental in writing this book. These include my friend Kellee Tsai, whose work in the field of political science has been an inspiration to me; Andrew Sinclair, a rising star bridging the gap between finance and politicalscience,whowaskindenoughtositdownforlengthydiscussions aboutwhereChinaisheading;RyanManuel,anexpertinChinesepolitics with a broad range of world experience; Matt Roberts, a longtime China hand; and Eric Wong, a longtime friend and investor in New York who is always insightful about China’s financial situation. I also would like to thank my publisher Jacob Dreyer at Palgrave Macmillan, who has stuck with me through three books, and the online group, Chinapol, whose daily opinions (with both heat and light) have kept me sharp. And last, to my wife, Kelley Loper, a passionate scholar whose dedication to the discipline of academia gives me hope. Pokfulam, Hong Kong Andrew Collier vii Contents 1 The Setting 1 2 Common Prosperity: Vision or Campaign? 11 3 The Bureaucracy Strikes Back 27 4 The Party and Common Prosperity 47 5 Can China Innovate Without the Platform Economy? 69 6 Xi Jinping’s End Game 87 Bibliography 105 Index 117 ix CHAPTER 1 The Setting Abstract This chapter outlines the beginning of the technology crack- down with the speech by Jack Ma of Alibaba on October 24, 2020. It then traces the reaction to the speech within the Chinese leadership and the gradual rise of a series of measures restricting the growth of China’s technology sector. It classifies the underlying motivations for the policy shift according to economic and political rationales. Economically, the platform economy was viewed as increasing the risk of financial insta- bility, particularly regarding Ant Financial’s lending business. However, moreimportant,politicalcontrolfortheCommunistPartyisdiscussedas the underlying reason for the government’s actions, many of which had no economic rationale. Last, the chapter discusses Xi Jinping’s Common Prosperity program to improve the distribution of income and why it is likelytofailduetoeconomicdifficultiesofimplementationandstructural deficits in the Chinese economy. Keyword Jack Ma · Alibaba · Common prosperity · IPO · Ant financial · Party congress · Regulation · Data © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 1 Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 A. Collier, China’s Technology War, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-3042-3_1 2 A. COLLIER When Jack Ma, the billionaire founder of Chinese e-commerce company Alibaba,gaveaspeechonOctober24,2020tothecountry’spoliticaland financial elite, he was clearly unaware that his talk would be the catalyst for a new era in China. Jack started his speech with disarming words. “I am delighted to have thisopportunitytolearn,discuss,andexchangeideastogetherwithyou.” Dressed conservatively in a dark suit, blue checked tie, and white shirt, he noted that his views could be considered “immature, incorrect, or laughable” and added, “if they make no sense, just forget about them.” But his main points were anything but forgettable. He attacked the country’s leadership—many sitting in the room—for how they treated innovation in the internet industry. “We are very good at management butoursupervisionabilityissorelylacking,”hesaid.Headded,“Itisnot difficult to regulate. What’s difficult is to deliver regulation that achieves the purpose of producing sustainable and healthy development.” Jack, who also founded one of China’s most progressive online finan- cial firms, Ant Group, said the financial regulators in Beijing were old, out of touch with the modern internet, and slacking in their jobs. “We cannotregulatethefuturewithyesterday’smeans,”Mr.Masaid.“There’s no systemic financial risks in China because there’s no financial system in China. The risks are a lack of systems…Today’s banks continue to have a pawnshop mentality.” This model “is not going to support the financial needs of the world’s development over the next 30 years.” Strong words to the people in charge of that very system. To some, Jack’s speech was simply a reflection of his no-nonsense personality. “Jack is Jack. He just wanted to speak his mind,” said one person who knows him (Zhai 2020). To the Communist Party, however, it was a direct challenge to their rule. Xi Jinping and other senior leaders whoreadthespeechwere“furious,”accordingtotheWallStreetJournal (Wei 2020). Jack gave his speech to the Bund forum in Shanghai on a Friday. Just a week later, the country’s most important financial regulators struck back. Jack was summoned to Beijing for a meeting with the officials in charge of China’s economy. These included government employees from the People’s Bank of China (PBOC), the China Banking and Insurance RegulatoryCommission(CBIRC),theSecuritiesRegulatoryCommission (CSRC)andtheStateAdministrationofForeignExchange(SAFE).After themeeting,Ant’scorporateheadquartersinHangzhourespondedwitha statement suggesting that the hurried corporate meeting was an ordinary 1 THE SETTING 3 regulatory chat. “Views regarding the health and stability of the finan- cial sector were exchanged,” Ant said (Yang 2020). The government’s bland summary said the parties “conducted regulatory interviews with Ant Group’s actual controller Jack Ma, chairman Eric Jing, and chief executive Simon Hu.” Buttooutsiders,theperemptorysummonstomeettheregulatorsand Beijing was ominous. Jack was in trouble. The next day, in a move that shocked the world’s investors, the Shanghai Stock Exchange suspended Ant’s$34billionShanghailisting—justadaybeforethelaunch.TheWall StreetJournalreportedthatXiJinpingpersonallyintervened(Wei2020). Itwasaclearsignthattheworldinwhichgiant,privatelyheldcompanies could operate independently in China had forever changed. “The Party hasonceagainremindedallprivateentrepreneursthatnomatterhowrich andsuccessfulyouareitcanpulltherugoutfromunderyourfeet atany time,” said one western observer (Bishop 2020). The cancellation of the IPO of one of China’s most successful compa- nies took observers by surprise. Few senior leaders would appreciate a billionaire telling them in front of a public audience how to manage the economy. But the reaction was excessive—canceling a billion-dollar IPO just days before its launch because the chairman was a bit too outspoken is not an appropriate reaction by any government. Something else was afoot in Beijing. The world soon discovered that Ant was just one chapter in a much larger book. The crackdown on one company soon broadened to include other technology firms. Over the succeeding months, the regulators in Beijing imposed a series of draconian rules on Alibaba and other tech- nology firms. Alibaba was fined $2.8 billion for monopolistic practices. Didi Chuxing, the Chinese equivalent of Uber, was accused of going public before completing a review by the country’s internet watchdog, the Cybersecurity Administration of China (CAC). Didi was forced to take down more than 25 applications from its online store, and remove the“super-apps”thatwerethemaininterfacefortensofmillionsofusers, badly harming its business (Caiping 2021). The app removal program came four days after Didi’s US$4.4 billion initial public offering, one of the biggest American stock market debuts of the past decade. With the share price falling like a stone, chagrined American fund managers launched a lawsuit accusing Didi of misleading investors. The online gaming industry was the next target. Regulators summoned the top gaming companies to a joint meeting with the CAC and the Ministry of