Charisma and Abdication: A Study of the Leadership of Bhagwan Shree Rajneesh

18 Pages·2007·0.8 MB·English

Charisma and Abdication: A Study of the Leadership of Bhagwan Shree Rajneesh
Author(s): Susan J. Palmer
Reviewed work(s):
Source: Sociological Analysis, Vol. 49, No. 2 (Summer, 1988), pp. 119-135
Published by: Oxford University Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3711009 .
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Sociological Analysis 1988. 49. 2:119-135
Charisma and Abdication: A Study of
the Leadership of Bhagwan Shree
Rajneesh'
Susan J. Palmer
DawsonC ollege,M ontrealP, Q.
Thiss tudy attemptst o apply Roy 6Wllis'm odel of a charismaticl eader'sf our responses to
institutionalizationt o the career of BhagwanS hree Rajneesh,f ounder of a new religious
movement.A fter outlining seven phases of Rajneesh's career which can be interpreteda s
differents trategic responses to institutionalization,t he conclusion is drawn that Wallis'
model oversimplifies the relationship between charisma and institutionalizationa nd is
inadequatea s a tool to explain the behavioro f this particular leader. It is proposed that a
fifth category, that of Abdication, be added to Wallis' four, and that a distinction between
two aspects of charisma, the Performera nd the Pastor, be drawn in order to understand
this new category.
A study of the career of Bhagwan Shree Rajneesh, the 55-year-old guru from India,
revealsa leadershipw hich constantlyf luctuatesi n its style and in its authoritativec laims. The
history of his movement, the Rajneesh FoundationI nternational( RFI), is remarkablef or its
abruptc hanges in policy, and the varied and contradictoryd emandsm ade upon its members.
Due to his considerable personal charm and a certain dramatic flair, Rajneesh was able to
render these divagations coherent and meaningful to his disciples for whom their leader's
inconsistences were an integral part of his charisma. As one member explained:
When you are with Bhagwany ou never know what to expect. He takes you on a journey
thati s full of surprisesa nd mystery.H e says whath e is experiencinga t thatm oment, so he
might say the opposite the next day. If you are looking for a dogma, a creed, you are
wasting your time. He is a reflection of life itself which is a paradox and full of
contradictions.
In order to interprett his patterno f unpredictablea nd apparentlya rbitraryc hange which
has characterizedR ajneesh's leadership, I will refer to Roy Wallis' theory of relationships
between charisma and institutionalizationw hich is outlined in his paper, "Charisma, Com-
mitment, and Control in a New Religious Movement" (1982).
Wallis attempts to refine Max Weber's theory of charismatic authority,w hich he finds
1. Thea uthorw ishest o thankD r.F redericBk irdf ors uggestintgh eR esponsibility/Performamnoced elo f
charismaa ndf or explainingW eber'sv ariousr outest o institutionalization.
119
120 SOCIOLOGICAANLA LYSIS
"relativelyb riefa nd not entirelyl ackingi n ambiguity"(W allis,1 982: 73). WhileW eber's
theoryt racest he variousr outest o bureaucratizatioonr traditionalizatioanft ert he leader's
death,W allisi s concernedw ith the living leader'ss trugglet o keep his or her charismatic
authorityu ntrammellebdy the forceso f institutionalizatioWn.a llisf ocuseso n the careero f
MosesD avid,t he prophet-foundoefr the Childreno f God, a deviantC hristiang roupw hich
originatedin Californiain 1968,a ndt hena nalyzest her elationshibpe tweenc harismaa ndi ts
"nemesis,"i nstitutionalizatiobny, identifyingfo urp ossibler esponseso f charismatilce aders
to this problemT. he responsesa re: EncouragemenAt,c quiescenceD, isplacementa,n dR e-
sistance.W allist hen arguest hat the seeminglye rraticb ehavioro f "Mo" David can be
interpretedas an exampleo f Resistancea; deliberates trategyi ntendedt o undermineth e
attemptso f his followerst o stabilizea nd institutionalizhei s movementH. e describest his
responsea s follows:
... in whicht he charismatilce aderf oreseest het hreato f institutionalizatisounb verting
his authoritya nd takesa ctivea nde ffectives tepst o forestalilt (Wallis,1 982: 119).
In attemptintgo explainR ajneesh'lse adershipas ane xampleo f ResistanceI, e ncountered
a series of obstaclesw hich suggestt hatt he relationshipb etweenc harismaa nd institution
buildingis morec omplext hanW allis'f ourc ategorieas llowf or.A lthoughR ajneeshem ployed
the strategyo f Resistancea t manyp oints in his career,h e also adoptedt he strategyo f
EncouragemenWt. allisd escribesE ncouragemenast a process
in whicht he charismatilce adere mbracetsh ep ossibilitiesin volvedin institutionalization
anda ctivelyd irectst he processi n sucha waya s to controli t andu tilizei nstitutionalized
structureasn dp roceduretso buttreshs is authorityr,a therth ana llowingit to constrainh im
(Wallis,1 982: 117).
In outliningth e sevenp haseso f Rajneesh'csa reerI, havea ttemptetdo showt hath e vacillated
betweent hese two extremes.O n the one hand he encourageds trongl eadersw ithinh is
movemenat nd conferredu pont hemc onsiderablpe oweri n decision-makingO. n the other
handh e occasionallyc hallengedth emo r destroyedth eiri nstitutionisf theyw eres teeringt he
movemenitn a directionn ott o his liking.S incet heset wop oliciesa rea pparentlcyo ntradictory
responsetso institutionalizatioint i,s cleart hatR ajneesh'csa se representas differenrt elation-
ship betweenc harismaa ndi nstitutionb uildingt hanM o's.
The secondd ifficultyi n fittingR ajneesh'sc ase to Wallis'm odelo f Resistancei,s that
Rajneeshd id not appeart o shareM o's desiret o controla ndd irecth is followersl'i ves. The
outstandinegx amplew hich illustratesth is is Rajneesh'sa nnouncemenotn September2 6,
1985, thath e was renouncingh is role of guru and endingh is religion,R ajneeshismH. e
advisedh is followerso n this occasiont o stop wearingr ed and the mala (necklaceb earing
Rajneesh'ps hotographw)h ichw eres ymbolso f initiationin tot hem aster-disciprlee lationship.
This extraordinargye sturem ighta ppearto be an extremec ase of Resistancea, s it delivered
the deathb lowt o the institutionos f the movementb, ut insteado f strengthenintgh e leader's
authorityo ver his followers,i t weakenedit (see phase seven). ThereforeI wouldl ike to
proposet hata fifth categoryb e addedt o Wallis'f our whichr epresentas new relationship
betweenc harismaa ndi nstitutionalizatioTnh. isI shallc all AbdicationI.n ordert o explaint he
vacillationisn Rajneesh'lse adershipt,o interpretth e meaningo f Abdicationa, ndt o explore
the innerl ogic of this new categorym y strategyw ill be as follows:
(1) To describet he peculiarn atureo f Rajneesh'cs harismaa, ndt o examineth e mecha-
nismsw herebyh e protectsa nde nhancesit .
CHARISMAA ND ABDICATION 121
(2) To describe seven phases of Rajneesh's career, which represent different strategic
responses to the problem of institutionalizationa nd exhibit his tendency to vacillate between
the two extremes of Resistance and Encouragement.
(3) To argue thata close examinationo f Rajneesh's career reveals that his incompatibility
with the process of institutionalizationa rose not from his desire to exact total obedience from
his followers (as was the case with "Mo"), but rather from a reluctance to assume the
responsible, authorizingr ole. By distinguishingb etween two aspects of charismatica uthority,
(i) Performance, and (ii) Responsibility, I will attempt to prove that Rajneesh's behavior
indicated a desire for the adulation, deference, and fame that come with performance, but a
dislike for the responsibility that leadership entails. I will then argue that Rajneesh was a
brilliant performer but a weak or recalcitrant pastor, and that he chose to delegate the
responsible role to various members of his core group. His final gesture of Abdication I
interpreta s his solution to the problem of responsibility and of institutionalization,i n that it
enabled him to get rid of his fully committed followers, or "flock," while retaining his
devoted (and rotating)a udience.
METHODOLOGY
This study is based on my involvement with the Montreal Rajneesh center as a partici-
pant-observerf rom October 1984 to September 1986. During this period I interviewed ten
sannyasinsa nd attendedf ive therapyg roups and various ritual and social events at the center.
Initially my aim was to collect data for my Ph.D. dissertation on women in spiritual com-
munes, but when Rajneeshpuramfe ll I became fascinated by Rajneesh himself. Throughout
the exercise I managedt o remaini mpervious to his charisma, but not to his charm. I feel it is
importantt o note that while Wallis' theory is a useful tool for interpretingt he history of the
RFI, it is inadequatea s a means of fathomingt he inner workings of the complex and creative
mind of a spiritual master. That is to say, this study is not meant to imply that Rajneesh is
acting out of secular motives rathert han responding to an inner religious drive.
THE NATUREO F RAJNEESH'SC HARISMA
Rajneesh was born in 1931 in Kuchwada, India, to a Jain family of wealthy cloth
merchants.W hile teachingp hilosophy at the University of Jabalpurh e laid the foundationf or
his career as a spirituall eader by giving lecture tours in which he expounded his eclectic and
controversiali deas. He conductedm editationc amps, and in 1966 resigned his teachingp ost to
travel across India criticizing local religions and preaching that the individual was his own
religion or god. In 1968 he delivereda series of lectures on sex as a meditativef irst step on the
path to enlightenment,w hich attracteda large following of American and Europeant ourists.
By 1970 he had settled in Bombaya nd begun to initiate a group of disciples, which markedh is
transitionf rom an intellectual critic of religion to a spiritual master.
If a leader's charisma can be measured by the number of his followers, Rajneesh's
authorityh as been considerable, extendingt o approximately3 50,000 sannyasins, or initiates,
according to the claim of the Rajneesh 7imes, October 14, 1983. The Oregonian notes,
"Figures supplied by Rajneeshee officials and by outside observers . . . were often wildly
different" and quotes an "insider's figure of 60,000" (Oregonian, 1985: 3). Rajneeshm ani-
fested his charismat hroughh is "discourses" or public lectures, which have been transcribed
122 SOCIOLOGICAALN ALYSIS
intos everalla nguageisn over3 50 booksa nda lso recordedo n videocassetteT. hesed iscourses
haveh ada n extraordinareyff ecto n his followers.S everals annyasinIs interviewesda id they
"fell in lovew ithB hagwan"th roughe xposuret o his discoursesE. venh is criticsa ttestt o the
powero f Rajneesh'ps resenceS. allyB elfrage,w ho wrotea ratherd isparaginagc counto f life
in the RajneeshA shrami n India,c onfessedo n viewingh im in person," He was AB-SO-
LUTE-LYR -IVET-ING("B elfrage,1 981: 131). The Oregonianc laims it is his message
rathert hanh is presencew hichh as attractedd isciples:
Theirg uru'sl ectures. .. tell his disciplest o live life to its fullest,t o abandonth eiro wn
egosi n favoro f a communaclo nsciousnesasn dt o views exa s ... creativee nergyl eading
to enlightenmentS. in and guilt are not worthw orryinga bouta nd everyoneh as the
potentiatlo realizea personadl ivinityt hroughd ailym editatioann dw orship(O regonian,
1985:2).
Rajneeshh, oweverc, orrespondtso Weber'sm odelo f the exemplaryle ader,n ot the ethical
prophet.
... thep rophemt ayb e ane xemplarmy anw ho, byh is personaelx ampled, emonstratetos
otherst he wayt o spirituasl,a lvationa, s in the case of the BuddhaT. he preachingo f this
typeo f prophest aysn othinga bouta divinem issiono r an ethicald uty,b utr atherd irects
itself to the self-interesot f thosew ho craves alvationr, ecommendintgo themt he same
patha s he himselft raversed(E isenstadt1, 968: 263).
Rajneeshis the living exampleo f his messageo f self-realization:
I ama bsolutelyco ntentI. f I weret o die thisv erym omenmt yl ife wouldb e complete( The
Wayo f the Heart, 1984: videocassette).
His charismatiac uthorityis basedo n his claim to be the "EnlighteneOd ne" who returns
throughoutth em illenniato awakensp irituallya n eliteg roupo f seekers.M anyo f his disciples
believet heyh aver esumedw orkw ithh imb eguni n a previoulsi fe. Rajneeshst ressest hen otion
thatt he master-disciplree lationshitpr anscendesv en the limitationos f death.
Webers tates:
The . . . leader may be requiredp eriodically to offer miraculouss igns as proof of his
powersi n ordert o maintain[h is followers']c ommitmen(tW eber1, 947: 359).
A testimoniatlo Rajneesh'ps owero f maintaininrge lationshipths roughth er eincarnation
cycle is offeredb y Ma AnandV ivek,a n Englishwomawn hoh as livedw ithh im since 1971,
whomh e describesa s his "caretaker.R" ajneeshc laimeds he was the reincarnatioonf his
childhoods weetheartS, ashi,w ho, befores he diedi n 1947,m adeh imp romiset o waitf orh er
return.V iveks tates:
One of the first thingsB hagwansa id to me ... was, "Do you remembemr e?"I went
click! "I remembert hat you're someone I loved very much" (Joshi, 1982: 107).
Unlikem anyw ell-knownsp iritualle adersw ho assumet he role andi mageo f fatheri n
relationt o theirf ollowers( as, for example,R everendM oon),R ajneeshis describedb y his
disciplesa s a lover,a nd,p aradoxicallay ,c hild.A lthoughh e appearedto be, at age5 5, a frail
CHARISMAA ND ABDICATION 123
old man with long white hair and whiskers, his personality was that of a mischievous and
intellectuallyp recocious child. He was surroundedb y his core group of attractivew omen who
played the role of the doting (but sexually liberateda nd expressive) mother to the brilliant,
capricious prodigy.
Wallis notes:
Since the charismatic identity is precarious, it must be protecteda gainst subversion or
challenge by hiding the propheta wayf rom general contact, carefully vettinga ll who may
come into his presence, and immediatelye xcluding those who do not display complete
surrender( Wallis, 1982: 5).
To this end the core group at the ashrami n India createda distance between Bhagwana nd the
large mass of his following. A bodyguard controlled access to the guru's presence. Sally
Belfrage describes the procedureg overning admission to the evening darshan at Poona:
At least half a dozen people are turned away from darshan every night, it seems, for
failing to pass the sniff-at-the-gatet est, which has become more stringentl ately because
one woman slipped throughw ith a perceptibleo dor of perfumea nd it made Bhagwans ick
the whole of the next day.S ome people have been turneda way. . .. I have washedm y hair
eight times. . . . Shiva, a red-beardedS cottish sannyasin who seems to be his chief
bodyguardi ntones the drill beforet he smelling starts. Personalq uestionsa bout Bhagwan
are not permitted. Do not go nearer to Bhagwan Shree Rajneesht han a meter. Do not
touch him except his feet. If you are turneda way,w ash hardern ext time (Belfrage, 198 1:
137ff).
An importantf eatureo f Bhagwan's special status (and regardedi n the RFI as a sign of
enlightenment)i s his reputeda utonomy and self-sufficiency. Throughoutt he RFI literature
this notion is stressed. Stories of his childhood pictureh im as an independent,a nti-authoritar-
ian being who was impossible to influence or control. Even in infancyh e was supposedly not
dependent on his mother:
It is said thatt he child neitherc ried nor accepteda ny milk for the first threed ays (Sannyas
5, 1980: 8).
Bhagwanh as described himself as follows:
I have never been initiated into society. I entered as an individual, and I have remained
aloof and separatel ike an island (Sannyas 5, 1980: 10).
In this respect he remained distant from his sannyasins, whose communal lifestyle and
encounter group experiences encourage gregarious behavior and physical and emotional
intimacy.
124 SOCIOLOGICAALN ALYSIS
THE SEVENP HASESO F RAJNEESH'SC AREER
Phase I-Initiation and Discipleship: Claiming Charisma
In 1970 Rajneeshc reatedh is ritualo f initiationd arshano r "takings annyas," in which he
touched initiates on the "third eye," endowed them with Sanskrit names, gave each a mala
(necklace of wooden beads bearing Rajneesh'sp hotograph)a nd requiredt hem to wear orange
(later changed to red).
Through this ritual Rajneeshe stablisheda following and claimed a charismatics tatus as
an enlightened master. He explained the meaning of initiationa s a surrendero f the ego to the
master.
When you become a sannyasin I want to destroy that identity.... When all these
identities have been destroyedy ou will know who you are: the unidentified, the name-
less, the formless, the indefinable (Joshi, 1982: 17).
Rajneesh began to live in a close community of devoted followers which he termed his
"buddhafield."
To create a buddhafield, to create a sanqha means you are now creating an alternate
society. Youa re no longer a single individual;y ou are gatheringp ower. . . . Now you can
create a revolution( Joshi, 1982: 100).
Robin Theobald had observed that an "Attitudeo f complete submission is what is requiredo f
disciples who form parto f the Gemeinde"( Wallis, 1982: 107). The buddhafieldc orresponds
to Theobald's description of the Gemeinde or household living in "an emotional form of
communal relationship"w ith the leader. Spheres of authoritya re not clearly defined and the
leader assigns duties on an ad hoc basis and intervenesa t will. Members are chosen not for
their skill or training, but rather,W eber argues, for their charismaticq ualities. Wallis adds
that an equally importantq uality is the intensity of their devotion. Rajneesh's core group of
women invariablyd escribed themselves as "in love with" their leader.
Phase II-From Acharya to Bhagwan: Building Charisma
In 1971 Rajneesh changed his name from Acharya (which means teacher) to Bhagwan
(which means "blessed one" or "God"). Joshi narratest he event as follows:
I was known all over the country as Acharya. ... I was teachinga nd travelling.T hat was
just the introductoryp art of my work . .. one day the word teacherw ill not be enough. .
.. Find something which is universal. .. And then he found "Bhagwan"( Joshi, 1982:
112).
This change in title implies not only that he was claiming greater charisma, but that he
affected a change in type as a spirituall eader. Accordingt o FrederickB ird's typology of new
religions (Needleman and Baker, 1978: 173), there are three types: Devotee, Apprentice,
and Disciple, each of which featuresa differentt ype of leader-followerr elationship.T he role
of the apprenticel eader is to be a teachero f techniquesw hich the apprenticel earns in order to
tap a source of sacred power which is perceived as located within the self. The devotee type
CHARISMAA ND ABDICATION 125
leader is looked up to as a lord, avatar, or Second Coming and is perceived to be the
transcendents ource of sacred power to which the devotee must surrenderi n order to find
salvation. What is interestingi n the case of Rajneeshi s that he managedt o retains ome of the
characteristicso f the apprenticeg roup, such as each individual being the source of sacred
power, while raising his own status to that of the most powerful type of leader, the devotee
type. His reply to the question, "Why do you call yourself Bhagwan?"d emonstratest his:
Because I am-and because you are-and because God is. . . . When I call myself God, I
mean to provokey ou, to challenge you. I am simply calling myself God so that you can
also gatherc ouraget o recognize it. If you can recognize it in me, you have takent he first
step in recognizing it in yourself (Joshi, 1982: 114).
Like the initiationr itual, this move was effective as a test of loyaltya nd served to weed out
the less committed of his members:
. . . people who used to come to me to gather knowledge they stopped. The day I called
myself Bhagwant hey stopped. It was too much for their egos, somebody calling himself
Bhagwan( Joshi, 1982: 113).
Phase Ill-The Poona Ashram: Encouragement
In 1974 Bhagwanm oved from Bombay to Poona where he founded the Shree Rajneesh
Ashram. The daily programb egan with the Dynamic Mediation, and in the evening Bhagwan
would deliver his increasinglyf amousd iscourses. By 1975 western-stylet herapyg roups were
incorporatedi nto the program and drew an internationalc rowd of one to two thousand
participantsa week, accordingt o the Oregonian. Timem agazine reportedt hat between 1974
and 1978 more than 50,000 seekers had tried the therapies at Poona (Oregonian, 1985: 9).
The fast-growingm embershipa nd the transient population meant that the leader could no
longer be personally available to his sannyasins, except for a small core group. Thus the
problem of institutionalizationa rose. Bhagwan's response at this point of his career fits
Wallis' category of Encouragement.B hagwane ncouragedg rowtha nd approvedt he efforts of
his "power ladies" to establish an efficiently run ashram while trying to imbue the growing
superstructurew ith his own personal mystique. The ubiquity of his photographs erved this
purpose. Besides being displayed on every disciple's chest in the mala, his smiling visage
decorated the walls of the ashram, inviting Belfrage's comparisonst o Orwell's Big Brother.
Another strategy was to insist that Bhagwan was even more present to his disciples in his
absence. For example, an empty chair was placed on the podium when he stopped directing
the Dynamic Meditation. Joshi explains:
The master was present-but now his disciples had to feel Him on a more subtle level.
Bhagwan reassuredt hem: "even if I am not here in the body, the contact will not be
lost." This placed the onus on the followers to cultivatet heir awarenesso f his occult presence,
and constituteda test of faith.
A strongc ore groupo f what Wallisw ould term "institutionb uilders"r ant he ashramw ith
maximum efficiency-and they were sufficiently high-handeda nd dictatoriali n their modus
operandi to be labelled the "powerl adies," and, by a disgruntlede xsannyasin,a s the "dowa-
ger duchesses." These women were chosen for their charismatic qualities which, in
Bhagwan'st erms, meant receptivityt o his "energy." He explains in TheB ook thatw omen are
126 SOCIOLOGICAALN ALYSIS
superiort o men becauset hey are more receptive,l ess aggressive,a nd the essence of the
mystici s receptivityT. he Oregoniansu ggestst hath e preferretdo workw ithw omenb ecause
they werem oreo bedientt hanm en ando fferedn o competition.
UnlikeM osesD avid,B hagwana llowedh is coreg roupa considerabldee greeo f poweri n
decision-makinagn d leadershipb, ut at the same time he foundw ayst o undermineth eir
complacencya nd to maintainth eir dependenceo n his charisma,s o as to discouragea ny
tendencyt o developi ndependensti gns of charismaO. f his personals ecretaryL, axmi,w ho
becamet he managingtr usteeo f the RajneeshF oundationh, e said,
"Alwaysr ememberth at Laxmi neverd oes anythingo n her own. She is the perfect
vehicle,t hati s whys he is chosenf or this work. . .. Whateveirs saids he does" (Joshi,
1982: 102).
Accordingto the Oregonianth erea re manyi ndicationtsh atB hagwanto okc aret o keeph is
core groupu nderc ontrol:
He chose the ashram'sd epartmenhte adsa ndp ittedt hema gainsto ne another.
Althoughh e delegatedo ffice dutiest o Laxmi,h e was knownt o countermanhde r
decisions.
There was a hierarchy,b ut no one was protected. ... He was alwayst he final word
(Oregonian, 1985: 5).
At the earlyp eriodo f Poona,B hagwana ppearst o haveb een in close touchw ith every
aspecto f the ashram.H e wouldl istent o reportsf romt he individuatlh erapyg roups,o ffer
personaal dvice,a ndp erformt he initiationd arshanhs imself.
Bhagwanen courageda healthyr ivalrya mongh is powerl adiesa ndp reventetdh e forma-
tion of permanenotf fices( one of the perenniasly mptomos f institutionalizatiobny) a llowing
themt o oust each otherf romt heirp osts:
Ex-sannyasinssa idS heelae dgedo ut PremA rupf or the numbertw o spoto n Rajneesh's
office staff.
Bhagwana ppearedto encouragec ompetitiona ndq uarrelsa mongt he powerl adies
anda llowedS heelat o oust Laxmia s his personals ecretary(O regonian1, 985: 7).
Thiss trategyr esembleMs osesD avid'st endencyto demoteo r rotateh is leaders,a ndi s an
exampleo f Resistanceto the processo f institutionalization.
In the last two yearso f the Poonae ra, Bhagwanp layeda less activer ole in ashramli fe,
due to his decliningh ealth.A fflictedw itha sthma,d iabetesa, ndb ackp ains,h e temporarily
stoppedg ivingd iscoursesa ndd arshanisn 1979,a nds ubstitutesdi lentm editationI.n 1981h e
withdrewh is physicapl resencef romt heses essions,a ndi t wasa nnouncedth at" Bhagwanis
enteringin to the ultimate,s ilent stageo f his work"( Joshi, 1982: 155). Threec ore group
memberws erea ppointedto performth e initiationd arshanas s "Bhagwan'ms ediums"a ndi n
May,S atsangw as introduced", the silent communionb etweenm astera ndd isciple."T he
emptyc hairs trategyw as reintroduced:
Thed ayy ou area blet o see this chair,t his bodye mpty,t his beinge mptyy, ou will have
seenm e ... that'st he realm omentw hent he disciplem eetst he masterI. t is a dissolu-
tion, a disappearance . . . the dew dissolving into the ocean. . . . And there prevails
profoundsi lence( Joshi, 1982: 158).
CHARISMAA ND ABDICATION 127
The gacchammi ritual was incorporatedi nto the satsang meetings at this time, which
involved bowing to Bhagwan's empty chair or photo while chanting the buddhistc reed:
Buddhams haranamg acchami
sangham sharanamg acchami
dharmams haranamg acchami
This is translatedb y sannyasinsa s "I go to the feet of the EnlightenedO ne. I go to the feet of
the communityo f the EnlightenedO ne. I go to the feet of the Ultimate Trutho f the Enlight-
ened One." This is clear indicationt hat the institutionalc harismao f the sangha, or commu-
nity, now equalled the personalc harismao f the master,a nd that due to his physical inaccessi-
bility Bhagwan was in danger of being reduced to a symbol, or (in Durkheimiant erms), a
totem of his community.
In 1981 Bhagwanl eft the Shree RajneeshA shrami n Poona and flew to the United States.
The move to America appears to have been a unilaterald ecision on the part of Sheela, who
claimed it was for medical reasons. She oversaw the buying of the 64,229 acre ranch in
Oregona nd began to supervise the buildingo f what would soon be the city of Rajneeshpuram.
Phase IV--The Silence: Acquiescence
Bhagwan's silence began in the spring of 1981, and ended in October, 1984.
During the silence the institutionb uilders were active, and Bhagwan's response at this
time appears to conform to Wallis' description of Acquiescence; ". . . in which the charis-
matic leader, finding himself trammelled and constrained, acquiesces to the situation with
more or less good grace" (Wallis, 1982: 117)."
As Bhagwan withdrew into self-imposed solitude and silence, and made Ma Anand
Sheela his representative,h e became increasinglyu nawareo f the administratived ecisions, the
political struggles with local authorities,a nd even the innovationsi n religious life takingp lace
in his commune. In 1981 Rajneeshg rantedS heela limited power of attorney,a nd removedt he
limits in 1982. In 1983 Sheela announcedt hat "He" would only speak with her. At this stage
it appears that his knowledge of goings on in the commune was exclusively derived from
Sheela. He claimed in a later press conference that she kept him in ignorance.
When I was in silence I was completely unaware ... for eight months I supported
Sheela. ... All things came to my knowledgey esterday. ... I was in isolation (Septem-
ber 16, 1985).
The rapidd evelopmento f institutionsc an be observed during this phase. Sheela's book,
Rajneeshism( 1983) is a striking example of the routinizationo f charisma. It describes the
newly createdA cademy of Rajneeshisma s an "ecclesiastical organization"i n which there are
three categories of ministers: Acharyas, Arihantas, and Siddhas. A symptom of creeping
institutionalizationf or Wallis is the appointmento f officials "on the basis of their qualifica-
tions and experience rather than on their inspirationalv irtues" (Wallis, 1984: 116). Ra-
jneeshism stipulates:
To be eligible for the ministry,a person must have the following experience and training:
a minimum of
-two years as a neo-sannyasin
-two years of participationa nd practice in meditation