10. Word accent systems in the languages of Asia René Schiering1 and Harry van der Hulst2

106 Pages·2010·0.44 MB·English

10. Word accent systems in the languages of Asia
1
2
3
4 Rene´ Schiering1 and Harry van der Hulst2
5
6
7
1. Introduction
8
9
This chapter surveys accentual systems in the languages of Asia. Our
10
objective has been to provide information on as many languages as we
11
could lay our hands on, given the inevitable limitations on the time for
12
this project and on access to sources in this period. This survey, then,
13
does not claim anything near completeness. In a way, it presents an
14
agendaforfurtherstudies especially witnessedby themanysectionswhere
15
little or no information on accentual systems is presented. We are not
16
defending these limitations by claiming that the basic descriptive work
17
has not been done in all these cases, although for many languages this is
18
probably true. We have no doubt, however, that a lot of useful infor-
19
mation on word accent has been gathered and is present in the countless
20
language descriptions that we have been unable to consult. There may
21
even be typological surveys that focus on word accent that we have
22
overlooked. With all these limitations and shortcomings, we hope that
23
thischapterstillo¤ersausefulinventorywhichwillstimulatefurthertypo-
24
logical and theoretical research.
25
In section 2, we outline the contents of this chapter, motivating its
26
organization and introducing the conventions which guide the presenta-
27
tion of accentual data. Section 3 explains on which materials this survey
28
is based. Sections 4, 5, 6 and 7 present data on word accent systems in
29
30
31 1. While working on this chapter Rene´ Schiering received funding from the
32 German Science Foundation (DFG) in the context of the project ‘Typology
33 and Theories of the Word’ at the University of Leipzig and from the Fritz-
Thyssen-Stiftung. He gratefully acknowledges the help of Balthasar Bickel,
34
Kristine A. Hildebrandt, Nikolaus Himmelmann and Werner Drossard. He
35
isindebtedtohiscolleaguesattheDepartmentofLinguisticsattheUniversity
36
of Cologne who granted him access to the invaluable treasure of sources
37 whichistheirlibrary.
38 2. Harry van der Hulst wishes to acknowledge the help of Rob Goedemans,
39 ElinorKeane,JoanBaart,ArthurAbrahamson,MartinHaspelmath,Eon-Suk
40 Ko,IrinaMonich,MichaelNoonan,PramodPandey,JonathanBobaljikand
OksanaTarasenkova.
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510 Rene´ SchieringandHarryvanderHulst
the languages of North-East Eurasia, Asia Minor and Central Eurasia,
1
Southand WestAsia, andMainlandSouth EastAsia, respectively.Finally,
2
in section 8 we o¤er some general observations and conclusions.
3
4
5
2. Contents of this chapter
6
7
The following table of contents summarizes the organization of the
8
present chapter:
9
10 1. Introduction
11
2. Contents of this chapter
12
13 3. A note on the information on which this chapter is based
14
4. North-East Eurasia (Eastern Siberia)
15
4.1. Chukotko-Kamchatkan
16
4.2. Isolates
17
4.2.1. Ket
18
4.2.2. Yukaghir
19
4.2.3. Nivkh
20
4.2.4. Ainu
21
22 5. Asia Minor and Central Eurasia (Altaic)
23 5.1. Turkic
24 5.2. Mongolic
25 5.3. Tungusic
26 5.4. Korean
27 5.5. Japanese
28
6. Southern Asia
29
6.1. Indo-European: Indo-Iranian
30
6.1.1. Indo-Aryan
31
6.1.2. Iranian
32
6.2. Dravidian
33
6.3. Austroasiatic: Munda
34
6.4. Andamanese
35
6.5. Burushaski
36
37 7. Mainland East and South East Asia
38 7.1. Sino-Tibetan
39 7.1.1. Chinese
40
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WordaccentsystemsinthelanguagesofAsia 511
7.1.2. Tibeto-Burman
1
7.2. Austroasiatic: Mon-Khmer
2
7.3. Hmong-Mien
3
7.4. Tai-Kadai
4
5
In order to facilitate access to the wealth of accentual data included in
6
this chapter, we subdivided Asia into four broad areas following roughly
7
a north to south direction, starting with North-East Eurasia (roughly
8
Eastern Siberia), proceeding to Asia Minor and Central Eurasia (covering
9
the languages subsumed under Macro-Altaic), followed by South and
10
West Asia, and finally reaching Mainland East and South East Asia. The
11
coverage of language families in Section 4 to 7 will be outlined in a brief
12
introductorynoteatthebeginningofeachsection.Theorganizationofthe
13
subsections with accentual data adheres to the following scheme:
14
15
a. Genetic structure of the (sub)family. Language classifications are taken
16
from Ruhlen (1991), Comrie et al. (2003), R. Gordon (2005)and other
17
more specialized sources that o¤er classifications for the language
18
familiestobediscussed.Thegeneticinformationissometimesfollowed
19
by some archeological-historical and dating information, often based
20
on the draft edition of Ruhlen (1991). We have tried to strike a com-
21
promise in cases of conflicting groupings. In each case, (sub)family
22
names are presented in capitals, while the names of sample languages
23
appear in italics. Bold print marks languages that are included in
24
StressTyp (see section 3), whereas languages which are discussed in
25
this chapter but are not included in StressTyp are underlined.
26
b. Extracts from StressTyp entries (language name followed by StressTyp
27
Code and examples). More complete extracts (including references) are
28
o¤eredinPartIIofthisvolumeand,ofcourse,inStressTypitself.This
29
stress information ispresentedunchanged,i.e. asitcan befoundin the
30
database and Part II.
31
c. Additional accent information. This might involve additional informa-
32
tion on languages already in StressTyp, or information on languages
33
that are not in StressTyp. (In some larger families that are treated in
34
one section we present the StressTyp extracts and additional informa-
35
tion per subfamily.)
36
d. Generalizations. We have tried to make general statements about the
37
accentual patterns in the relevant (sub)families, in some cases accom-
38
paniedbyremarksaboutdiachronicdevelopmentsorthedata’simpact
39
on current theorizing.
40
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512 Rene´ SchieringandHarryvanderHulst
If (b) is absent, (c) is labeled ‘accent information’. Sometimes (c) and (d)
1
are conflated into a single section.
2
3
4
5 3. A note on the information on which this chapter is based
6
7 The first source for the accentual data presented here is StressTyp (see
8 chapter 1, 2, 11 and Part II of this book). In addition, for European lan-
9 guages and languages bordering Europe, i.e. Altaic, we rely on the collec-
10 tion of articles in van der Hulst (1999). Thirdly, we consulted books that
11 o¤er surveys of language families or languages in a specific geographical
12 area (e.g. Johanson and Csato´ (eds.) 1998, Thurgood and LaPolla (eds.)
13 2003, Comrie 1981, Kaye (ed.) 1997a, b). Fourthly, we have consulted
14 grammars of individual languages as well as research articles discussing
15 accentual data for a theoretically-oriented readership. Fifthly, we have
16 sent email queries to colleagues; where we rely on information that they
17 directly have given to us (via email or in personal communication) we
18 note this in the text.
19 In line with the second author’s previous work on word accentual sys-
20 tems, we prefer to use the term ‘word accent’ where many others would
21 use the term ‘word stress’. We refer to van der Hulst (1999, 2002, 2006)
22 and chapter 1 of this volume for a justification and clarification of this
23 terminological choice.
24
25
26
4. North-East Eurasia (Eastern Siberia)
27
28
ThispartofEurasiaisroughlycoextensivewithEasternSiberia,stretching
29
approximatelyfromtheriverOb’intheWesttotheBeringSeaintheEast
30
andfromtheNorthernbordersofMongoliaandChinaintheSouthtothe
31
Laptev Sea, the East Siberian Sea and the Chukchi Sea in the North
32
(Comrie 2007: 244–245). In this area, languages of five language families
33
and several language isolates are spoken:
34
35
f Indo-European (Russian, see Chapter 8, section 4.1.4.)
36
f Altaic (Turkic, Mongolian and Tungusic, see Section 5 of this chapter)
37
f Uralic (Samoyedic and Finno-Ugric, see Chapter 8, section 4.5.)
38
f Chukotko-Kamchatkan
39
f Eskimo-Aleut (see Chapter 5, section 3.1.)
40
f Isolates: Ket, Yukaghir, Nivkh, Ainu
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WordaccentsystemsinthelanguagesofAsia 513
With most of these language families discussed in other chapters of this
1
volume, the present survey focuses on the Chukotko-Kamchatkan family,
2
located in the Far East of the area delimited above and on the language
3
isolates spread over Eastern Siberia.
4
5
6 4.1. Chukotko-Kamchatkan
7
Genetic information
8
9 TheChukotko-Kamchatkanfamily,locatedinEasternAsiaRussia,isfur-
10 ther subdivided into a Northern and a Southern branch, with the former
11 encompassing the two sub-branches Chukot and Koryak-Alyutor.
12
13
CHUKOTKO-KAMCHATKAN
14
NORTHERN:
15
CHUKOTIAN: Chukchi (Chukot)
16
KORYAK-ALYUTOR: Alutor, Koryak, Kerek
17
SOUTHERN: Itelmen
18
19
StressTyp extracts
20
21 Chukchee; Chukot [I;S]
22
f Accent usually occurs at the beginning of the word.
23
f To give emphasis to the word, the accent may be placed on the last
24
syllable, the vowel of which then changes to /o/.
25
26 ¨pari´n˜in ‘shoulder blade’ pi¨n˜epi ‘snowstorm’
27
u¨wema ‘while cooking’ ¨pirirkin ‘he takes’
28
29
Additional information
30
31 According to Dunn (1999: 54), primary stress in the Telqep variety of
32 Chukchi occurs on the first syllable of the word with a consonant onset
33 and a full vowel. Secondary stress is placed on every second syllable
34 before and after that.
35
(1) a. /¨nu.tec.˙q«.c«.˙ku.kin/ ‘smth. from the surface of the ground’
36
37 b. /q«.¨jet.˜?i/ ‘come!’
38 c. /˙k«r.˜«.¨Re.c?«.˙kin/ ‘smth. made of dry stumps’
39
d. /a.¨tok.toR.˙ka/ ‘without a doctor’
40
e. /a.¨mo.´e.˙qaj/ ‘bark (DIM)’
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514 Rene´ SchieringandHarryvanderHulst
For this variety, the emphatic vocative prosody is exemplified in (2),
1
where the final syllable of the vocative form of T«lel?«n appears with a
2
lengthened /o/.
3
4 (2) «nk?am n-in-iw-i˜«m T«lel?-oøø-n
5
and HAB-TR-say-1sg personal.name-E.VOC-3sgABS
6
‘And I said to him: ‘T«lel?«n!’’
7
8 Inwhatfollows,weaddsomemoredetaileddescriptionsthatarebasedon
9 summaries and partial translations of Russian sources provided to us by
10 Oksana Tarasenkova. We have edited and abbreviated this information,
11 but in view of the fact that little is known about these languages we have
12 tried to preserve as much information as possible. In particular, the data
13 presentedbelowexemplifyindetailhowdi¤erentmorphologicalstructures
14 relate to the stress domain in Chukchi.
15 Skorik(1961)discusseswordaccentin‘StandardChukchi’insomedetail.
16 The following is based on his account. Accent never occurs outside the
17 domainofthewordstem.Giventhataccentis‘stembound’,ifaone-syllable
18 stem is combined with a su‰x, the accent is always on the stem vowel:
19
(3) a. pojg-a ‘spear-instr.’ b. kejN-e ‘brown bear-instr.’
20
c. w«kw-a ‘stone-instr.’ d. mirg-e ‘grandfather-instr.’
21
22 e. puwt-e ‘can-instr.’ f. iw-«k ‘say’
23 g. ret-«k ‘bring’ h. tejk-«k ‘make’
24
The same pattern is attested for words in which the su‰x is a partial
25
reduplicant of the stem in (4):
26
27 (4) a. tanN-«-tan ‘stranger’ b. korg-«-kor ‘joy’
28
c. tirk-«-tir ‘the sun’ d. tilm-«-til ‘sea eagle’
29
e. tumg-«-tum ‘comrade’ f. tut?-«-tut ‘haze’
30
31 g. t«lg-«-t«l ‘thaw’ h. t«mg-«-t«m ‘silence’
32
(The linking vowel -«- creates an extra open syllable preceding the con-
33
sonant initial reduplicative su‰x.)
34
Apolysyllabicstem that iscombinedwith asu‰x alwayshasaccent on
35
its last syllable, as shown in (5).
36
37 (5) a. ekwet-«k ‘leave’ b. pelat-«k ‘stay’
38 c. wiriN-«k ‘defend’ d. reqoka-lg«n ‘polar fox’
39
e. inejpel?-«n ‘docker’ f. migcˇiret-«k ‘to work’
40
g. k«tg«ntat-«k ‘to run’ h. g«nr«ret-«k ‘to guard’
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WordaccentsystemsinthelanguagesofAsia 515
The accent location does not change when the number of su‰xes is
1
increased. The accent, remaining on the last syllable of the stem, thus
2
appears further from the end of the word in (6b–c).
3
4
(6) a. winret-«k ‘to help’
5
b. winret-«rk«n ‘help-3SG’
6
7 c. winret-«rk«nit«k ‘help-2PL’
8
Apparently exceptional are the cases where the stem ends in a vowel.
9
Unlike the above observation, most of such stems are accented on the
10
preceding syllable which is the first stem syllable in the examples in (7).
11
12
(7) a. wane-wan ‘no’ b. weni-wen ‘bell’
13
c. cˇeri-cˇer ‘dirt’ d. keli-kel ‘paper, book’
14
15
Such a change in the location of the accent can be explained in two ways.
16
The last vowel of the stem can be considered a linking vowel, similar to
17
the linking vowel « in the earlier examples in (4) (tumg-«-tum ‘comrade’,
18
etc.). Another account appeals to a ranking of vowels according to their
19
height: /i/P/e/P/a/. We could then say that accent falls on the lowest,
20
most sonorous vowel. This alternative is supported by the data in (8).
21
22
(8) a. k«lka-k«l ‘shell’ b. nute-nut ‘land, country’
23
c. piNe-piN ‘snowfall’ d. jil?e-jil ‘arctic ground squirrel’
24
25
The following examples suggest that in case of equal height, accent falls
26
on the second vowel.
27
28
(9) a. jara-N« ‘house’ b. welo-lg«n ‘ear’
29
30
The accentual pattern is di¤erent when the word has no a‰x, or has a
31
non-syllabic su‰x. If the stem is combined with a su‰x that is composed
32
of a consonant only (10b, d, f), the accent is located on the penultimate
33
or, as in (10d) even antepenultimate syllable of the stem.
34
35
(10) a. titi-N« ‘needle-SG’ b. titi-t ‘needle-PL’
36
c. melota-lg«n ‘hare-SG’ d. milute-t ‘hare-PL’
37
38 e. qora-Ne ‘deer-SG’ f. qora-t ‘deer-PL’
39
If the word has no overt su‰x (i.e. a zero su‰x), accent also appears on
40
the penultimate syllable of the stem in (11b, d, f, h).
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516 Rene´ SchieringandHarryvanderHulst
(11) a. ri§it-ti ‘belt-PL’ b. ri§it ‘belt-SG’
1
2 c. warat-te ‘people-PL’ d. but warat ‘people-SG’
3 e. jatjol-te ‘fox-PL’ f. jatjol ‘fox-SG’
4
g. jejwel-ti ‘orphan-PL’ h. jejwel ‘orphan-SG’
5
These examples suggest that primary accent cannot be word final. This
6
7 would, however, require stem-penultimate rather than antepenultimate
8 accent in the example milute-t ‘hare-PL’; another generalization, con-
sistent with the facts in 10b, d, f, would be that final accent is avoided by
9
10 placing the accent on the stem-initial syllable.
11 The accent shift to the penultimate (or first) syllable in the word forms
without su‰xes causes vowel reduction in the open last syllable, as in
12
13 (12b, d, f, h):
14 (12) a. wala-jp« ‘from knife’ b. wal« ‘knife’
15
c. aNqa-jp« ‘from sea’ d. aNq« ‘sea’
16
e. r«rka-jp« ‘from sea lion’ f. r«rk« ‘sea lion’
17
18 g. omqa-jp« ‘from polar bear’ h. umq« ‘polar bear’
19 In words with root repetition but no su‰xes the penultimate (or first)
20 syllable of the stem is accented, cf. (13). This is also consistent with reluc-
21 tance to have final accent.
22
(13) a. kawkaw ‘bread crust, biscuit’ b. p?oNp?oN ‘mushroom’
23
c. melmel ‘good weather’ d. tintin ‘ice’
24
25 e. n«mn«m ‘settlement’
26
Prefixation, as illustrated in (14) usually does not influence the location of
27
the accent.
28
29 (14) a. kojN«n ‘cup’
30 b. ga-kojN«ma ‘with cup’
31 c. jarar ‘drum’
32
d. ga-jararma ‘with drum’
33
e. kulil?et«k ‘to yell’
34
f. ge-qulil?et-lin ‘yell-3SG-past’
35
36 g. ge-requlil?etlin ‘trying to yell-3SG’
37 h. cˇaat«k ‘catch with a lasso’
38
i. na-§aanm«k ‘catch with a lasso-3SG-past-SUBJ/1PL-OBJ.’
39
j. nara-saanmfik ‘catch with a lasso-3SG-future-SUBJ/1PL-OBJ.’
40
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WordaccentsystemsinthelanguagesofAsia 517
Sofar,thefactsreportedarecompatiblewiththegeneralizationthatword
1
accent is stem-final, or, if the stem-final syllable is word final, the accent is
2
stem-initial. However, all such cases of stem-initial accent are penultimate
3
(except for 10d), which raises the question whether the avoidance of word
4
final accent really causes initial rather than penultimate accent.
5
Some additional rules are necessary for stems with the vowel /«/. A
6
stem-final syllable with the schwa can be accented, but only if no other
7
syllable with another vowel precedes it, for example:
8
9
(15) a. g«tg-«n ‘lake’ b. m«§«kw-«n ‘shirt’
10
c. t«lw«lq-«n ‘fire site’ d. r«kg«t-«k ‘to stick’
11
12 e. r«m«t-«k ‘to wash’
13
However, if there is a syllable with a full vowel preceding the last syllable
14
of the stem with a schwa, this preceding syllable is the one that gets
15
accented, as shown in (16).
16
17 (16) a. patg«rg-«n ‘hole’ b. pipiq«lg-«n ‘mouse’
18 c. tatl«N-«k ‘to answer’ d. rent«N-«k ‘to get away’
19
e. ro§g«p-«k ‘to lose strength’
20
21 The example in (16b) suggests that the penultimate location is chosen if
22 the final location is not acceptable. This, perhaps confirms that the penul-
23 timate rather than the initial syllable is the alternative to the stem-final
24 location.
25 In the verbs consisting of one syllable with a short /«/ the location of
26 the accent moves to the prefix if it contains a full vowel, for instance in
27 the prefixed forms in (17).
28
(17) a. r«w«k ‘to put aside’ b. ge-nw«lin ‘put aside-part.’
29
(stem /r«w/ ~ /nw«/)
30
31 c. t«w«k ‘to inform’ d. ga-tw«len ‘informed-part.’
32 (stem /t«w/ ~ /tw«/)
33 e. t«m«k ‘to kill’ f. ga-nm«len ‘killed-part.’
34 (stem /t«m/ ~ /nm«/).
35
In sum, Chukchi accent is bound to the domain of the word stem, but
36
weight sensitive within it. The accent is located on the last syllable of
37
the word stem, if the last syllable is closed. If the last syllable is open,
38
the location of accent is dependent on vowel height. We get a shift to
39
the penultimate syllable, if the stem-final syllable is also word-final. We
40
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518 Rene´ SchieringandHarryvanderHulst
also get a shift leftward to the penultimate syllable if the vowel in the
1
designated accent syllable is a schwa.
2
According to Muravyova (1979), Alutor word forms are divided into
3
two classes depending on their rhythmic organization:
4
5
(i) Word forms in which one of the initial syllables is more prominent.
6
(ii) Word forms which are unaccented.
7
8 The accentual pattern of the accented words can be described with refer-
9 ence to a distinction between light and heavy syllables. A light syllable is
10 of the type C« (which cannot be accented), all other syllable types con-
11 stitute heavy syllables. The following three informal rules capture accent
12 placement in Alutor.
13
(i) The accent can be located either on the first or on the second sylla-
14
ble, the latter being a more preferred option.
15
(ii) Only a heavy syllable can be accented, light syllables are always
16
unaccented.
17
(iii) The last syllable of the word cannot be accented.
18
19
As a result of these rules, monosyllabic accented words are prohibited
20
since the only syllable of such forms constitutes the word-final syllable.
21
Monosyllabic words are function words, such as, e.g. the conjunctions to
22
‘and’ and mej ‘hi’. In disyllabic words, accent is realized on the first heavy
23
syllable, as exemplified with the data in (18).
24
25 (18) a. ?ak«k ‘son’ b. tatul ‘fox’
26 c. k«ttil ‘forehead’ d. wala ‘knife’
27
With monosyllabic roots and disyllabic roots with an initial light syllable,
28
several strategies which add syllabic substance are employed in the nomi-
29
native case: i) a syllabic vowel « is inserted, as in law«t ‘head’ (/lawt/),
30
ii) a su‰x is added, as in milg«n ‘fire’ (/milg-n/) and N«ralN«n ‘knee’
31
(/Nra-lN«n/), iii) reduplication applies, for example in piN-piN ‘ash’ or
32
n«m-n«m ‘settlement’. Such complexity can also be achieved by the gemi-
33
nation of the last consonant and a schwa-insertion after the geminate, for
34
instance in Najj« ‘mountain’ (/Naj/) and q«yipp« ‘bread’ (/q«yip/). Gemi-
35
nation does not only occur in una‰xed words, but also in forms with
36
mono-consonantal su‰xes, e.g. N«vujj« ‘he began’ (/Nvu-j/), but not in
37
piNku-j ‘jump-3SG/masc-past’. With some su‰xes, however, /i/ is inserted
38
instead of a schwa vowel, cf. N«ra-tti ‘two knees’ (/Nra-t/) vs. g«tka-t ‘two
39
legs’ and g«va-kki ‘to stumble’ (/gva-k/) vs. piNku-k ‘to jump’.
40
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