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GOVERNMENTS' RESPONSE TO THE URBAN POOR:
A COMPARATIVE STUDY OFMOROCCO AND TUNISIA
by
Fathimath Musthaq
ProfessorNgonidzashe Munemo, Advisor
A thesis submitted inpartial fulfillment
ofthe requirements for the
Degree ofBachelorofArts with Honors
inPolitical Science
WILLIAMS COLLEGE
Williamstown, Massachusetts
May 6,2009

Table ofContents
Acknowledgements 3
Introduction 4
Chapter One: Tunisia's Response to Gourbivilles 17
FrenchAdministration & Coercive Degourbification (1930-1956) 18
The Independent Government & CoerciveDegourbification(1956-1961) 21
'Desoutrian Socialism' & Expensive Social Housing (1961-1973) 26
Political Instability & Comprehensive SlumUpgrading (1973-1995) 31
Chapter Two: Morocco's Response to Bidonvilles 43
TheFrenchProtectorate, the Nationalists and the Urban Poor (1920- 44
1944)
Michel Ecochard's HousingProjects (1944-1956) 49
Independence and the EraofSocial Housing (1956-1965) 55
Sites and Services Projects (1965-1995) 60
The "Cities Without Slums"program (2003-2008) 71
Chapter Three: WhatDetermines the Type ofResponse? 80
Coercive Response 81
Piecemeal Response 91
ComprehensiveResponse 96
WhyDoes Regime Type Matter? 110
Conclusion 119
Bibliography 126

Musthaq
Acknowledgements
Firstthanks go to myparents for theirunrelenting support and fun skype
conversations across a continent and two oceans. Theymaynot know it, buttheirlove
and supportmade thebiggesthurdles seem not thatinsurmountable anymore.
lowemydeepest gratitudeto ProfessorNgonidzasheMunemo. Sometimes, I
thinkhe worked as hard as I did onthis thesis- supportingmyideas, critiquingthem
whennecessary, but always encouraging and inspiring inhis commentary. Thankyou
for yourunwavering (I hope!) faith inme that Iwould actuallyreach 'the end' with a
'substantive/comprehensive' thesis inhand!
Ithank ProfessorKai Lee for cultivatingmyinterestinthis issue. Withouthis
initial support andmentorship, this work will not exist. lowethanks to ProfessorDarel
Paul for his thoughts and assistance when I first beganthis project. Special thanks to
ProfessorMichael MacDonald, ProfessorJim Mahon and Professor Sam Crane for
theirinsightful comments onthe thesis.
Thanks to mybrother, for his kindness and support.
Myfriends at Williams College, mostnotablyAnnette Q, Deividas S, EmmaD,
and RhondaC- Ithank them for enrichingmymind and mylife.
Myheartfeltthanks to the manywonderful and inspiringpeople Imet alongthe
wayin Morocco and Tunisia. Finally, Ithank the people Imet inthe bidonvilles of
Morocco. Theywere generous with theirtime and thoughts. This work is dedicated to
them.
3
INTRODUCTION
The slumwas not the inevitableurban future.
-MikeDavis inPlanetofSlums
Question
Human civilizationreached ahistoric landmarkin 2008: for the first time ever,
more thanhalfthe world's population livedin its cities. By2050, cities are projectedto
gain over 6.4billionpeople, makingthe world's humanpopulation 70percenturban.
Most ofthis growthis expectedinthe global southwhere governments are already
fraught with war, drought, fiscal crises, epidemics and other complex socio-economic
issues. According to UnitedNations estimates, by 2050, Asia's urbanpopulationwill
increaseby 1.8 billion, Africa's by 0.9 billion and LatinAmerica and the Caribbean's
by 0.2 billion.l In a world thatis fast urbanizing, where cities are the centers of
economic growth andhumanlife, increasing demands aremade on governments to
build, expand and equip cities andmegalopolises to provide for themillions who
migrate from the countryside every year.
As evincedbythe sprawling slums that ringthe cities ofthe global south,
governments have failed to meet these demands. Therate ofurbanization is
outstripping governments' abilityto provide adequate shelterfor all immigrants.
Accordingto UN estimates, 900 millionpeople lived in slums in2005. Ifwe continue
withbusiness as usual, about 1.5 billionurban residents will livein destitute conditions
1UnitedNations (2008). WorldUrbanizationProspects: The2007Revision. Economic and
SocialAffairs, p.l access athttp://us
cdn.creamermedia.co.za/assets/articles/attachments/11764 prospects.pdf[accessedApril2,
2009]
Musthaq
without access to properwater, electricity and sanitationfacilities in 2020.2 Given the
magnitude ofthis humanitarian crisis and the humanpotential locked in slums, itis
disturbinghow littlemost governments inthe global southhave done to redress the
grievances ofthe urbanpoor. However, there havebeen cases where governments
have fully addressed the issue ofslums- Singapore and HongKong are common
examples.3
In aradicalizing world, slums havebecome sites ofviolence. Duringthe recent
presidential elections in Kenya, the "center stage ofprotests"was Kibera- Africa's
largest slum containing overonemillionpeople.4 According to theNew YorkTimes,
inthe aftermathofthe election, "thousands ofyoungmen came streaming out of
Kibera... waving sticks, smashing shacks, burningtires and hurling stones."s Inrecent
years, Iraq's mostnotorious slum onthe outskirts ofBaghdad, now named Sadr City,
has produced a force to reckon with- the Mahdi Army. The intentionhere is not to
portrayall slums as hotbeds ofviolence (forusuallythey are not), butto illustrate the
potential destabilizing threats to the state from largenumbers ofpeople living in
extremepoverty at sites ofgreat economicwealth, inequality, and political power.
How are governments responding to this unprecedented rate ofurbanization
and the accompanyingphenomenon ofgrowingurbanpoverty and violence? As
documentedbynumerous scholars and the media, governments' responses are usually
2UN, Milleniumproject, TaskForce:SlumDwellers.
http://www.mlli1illenniumproject.org/documents/ll-TF8-slums-E.pdf[accessed April 1, 2009]
3Davis,M.(2006). Planet ofSlums. New York, Verso, p.63.
4CareInternational. http://www.careinternational.org.uk/67l5/urban-poverty/life-in-the
largest-slum-in-africa.html [accessedApril 1, 2009]
55 New YorkTimes. (December30, 2007)TribalRivalryBoils OverAfterKenyanElection.
Accessedat http://www.nytimes.com/2007/12/30/world/africa/3Ocnd-
kenya.html? r=1&scp=7&sq=kibera&st=cse [accessedApril, 52009]
5
Musthaq
aggressive towards urban slum dwellers. In the 1970s inthe Philippines, the
administrationunder FerdinandMarcos promptlyrazed slums for international events
withlittlethought to theurbanpoor.6 Favorableresponses, onthe otherhand, entail the
provision ofaffordable, appropriate andbetterhousingfor theurbanpoor. Buthow do
governments decide whichpolicyto implement? When do governments bulldoze
instead ofbuildingnew homes for the urbanpoor orvice versa? Ibegan askingthese
questions while interning at theNearEastFoundationinMorocco inthe summerof
2007, where I was exposedto the challenges ofslumupgradinginthe country. While
doingresearch on Morocco, I came across areport relayingTunisia's success in
eradicating slums as early as 1995. Immediatelyintriguedbythis difference inthe
timing ofthe governments' response to slums, I did further historical research on
Tunisiaand Morocco's slumpolicy.
The Tunisian government's initial policywas to bulldozeurban slums and
force slum dwellers backto the countryside. However, inthemid-1970s, instead of
bulldozing, the government decided to upgrade slums byprovidingbasic infrastructure
and services through the Urban Upgrading and Renovation Agency(ARRU). The
initiative was so successful that there remained only anational backlog of24,000 units
by2003.7 The storyis verydifferentinMorocco. Eventhoughurban slums hadbeen
developing for decades, the Moroccan government did verylittleto upgrade slums
until 2004 when it launched its "Cities Without Slums" program. The difference inthe
timing ofgovernment commitmentto slumupgrading noted above is intriguing,
6Davis, M.(2006). PlanetofSlums, p.l04.
Cities Alliance. (2003). CitiesWithout Slums 2003 Annual Report CitiesAlliance.
7
WashingtonDC.
6