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187 Pages·1972·8.283 MB·English
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Xenophon’s Socrates by LEO STRAUSS Cornell University Press ITHACA AND LONDON H <3 7 H Copyright © 1972 by Cornell University All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations in a review, this book, or parts thereof, must not be reproduced in any form without permission in writing from the publisher. For information address Cornell University Press, 124 Roberts Place, Ithaca, New York 14850. First published 1972 by Cornell University Press. Published in the United Kingdom by Cornell University Press Ltd., 2-4 Brook Street, London WiY iAA. International Standard Book Number 0-8014-0712-5 Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 71-38122 PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA BY VAIL-BALLOU PRESS, INC. Librarians: Library of Congress cataloging information appears on the last page of the book. Foreword With this volume Professor Strauss completes his study of the Socratic writings of Xenophon, begun in Xenophon's Socratic Discourse: An Interpretation of the uOeconomicus” (Cornell University Press, 1970). Along with On Tyranny (Cornell University Press, 1968), these volumes constitute a monumental scholarly effort to restore the traditional dignity of Xenophon as a wise writer and to give a lesson in the ancient art of writing. They are almost indispensable guides to the charm, grace, and profundity of Xenophon and thereby teach much about the beliefs that have rendered him incomprehensible. But of greater importance, this study is an attempt to recover the true Socrates and, with that, the character of political philosophy itself. It investigates the origins of political philoso¬ phy, its possibility and intention, against the nonphilosophic background from which it emerged. Thus, it is a clarification of the phenomena of a lost natural world which has been obscured by later traditions. Professor Strauss’s reflections on Aristophanes and Xenophon are his way of seeing again a Socrates who is hardly understood because he seems so well understood. As is always the case with Professor Strauss’s books, this one is difficult of access; but to those who wish to understand the texts and the phenomena to which they refer, his works are a permanent possession. Allan Bloom Toronto Preface With this volume I complete my interpretaton of Xenophon’s Socratic writings. I wrote and published first an interpretation of the Oeconomicus because that work is, it seems to me, the most revealing and at the same time the most misunderstood of Xenophon’s Socratic writings. It is the most revealing because in its central chapter Socrates is directly contrasted with a perfect gentleman. In interpreting the other Socratic writings, I could not help repeating some points which I had been compelled to make in the earlier publication. The reader who notices the repetitions will, I trust, forgive the prolixity and note that I could without impropriety have been more prolix. L. S. St. John's College Annapolis, Maryland [3I3ISISM3J Contents Memorabilia i The Refutation of the Indictment 4 Socrates as Benefactor of His Companions 17 The Man Himself 18 Relatives 39 Friends 43 Men Longing for the Noble Things 55 Descent 73 Book IV 91 Apology of Socrates to the Jury 127 Symposium 141 Appendix 179 Index 181 JSJqUSISMgIJ Memorabilia The title Apomnemoneumata may be rendered provisionally by “Recollections.” Apomnemoneuein (or derivatives) occurs only once within the Me?norabilia (I.2.31); there it means “re¬ senting,” “remembering one’s grudge.” To use this passage for the interpretation of the title is to begin with the height of absurdity, and we all are beginners. The title is misleading for a more obvious reason: it is silent on the fact that the book consists exclusively of recollections about Socrates. The title would be appropriate if we could assume that the most mem¬ orable experience that Xenophon ever had was his intercourse with Socrates and not, for instance, with Cyrus or with Agesi- laos. We do make that assumption and expect to transform it into a certainty. The Memorabilia opens as follows: “Many times I wondered by what possible speeches those who indicted Socrates per¬ suaded the Athenians that he deserved death from the city. For the charge against him ran about as follows: Socrates commits an unjust act by not worshipping (respecting, believing in) the gods whom the city worships but carrying in other, novel divine things (daimonia); he also commits an unjust act by corrupting the young.” Xenophon indicates that his quotation of the indictment is not quite literal. In this he proceeds like the Platonic Socrates (Apology of Socrates 24b8-ci). But while the changes made by the Platonic Socrates are very consider¬ able, the change made by Xenophon is almost negligible: he replaces the “leading in” of the original by “carrying in” (cf. 5 4 | Xenophon’s Socrates Plato, Republic 51^8). This difference can be taken as repre¬ sentative of the difference between Plato’s presentation of Socrates and Xenophon’s. The Refutation of the Indictment 1.1. Since the indictment speaks of two crimes of Socrates, the refutation of the indictment consists of two parts, the ref¬ utation of the impiety charge and the refutation of the cor¬ ruption charge. At the beginning of the refutation of the impiety charge Xenophon reminds us of the fact that Socrates was charged with not worshipping (believing in) the gods of the city. To refute that charge, Xenophon speaks of Socrates’ sacrificing and his using divination; he devotes to sacrificing about 2 lines and to his using divination about 57 lines. The reason for this unequal treatment is this: while in regard to sacrificing Socrates behaved in an altogether normal or incon¬ spicuous manner, in regard to divination he was notorious for saying that the daimonion gave him signs; this was probably the reason why he was accused of bringing in new daimonia. Yet Socrates was not guilty of any innovation, for the others who divine, say, from sacrifices, mean that the gods dissuade or persuade them through the sacrifices but say misleadingly that the sacrifices do this. Socrates however said exactly what he thought; he said that the daimonion gave him signs. In other words, Socrates’ appeal to his daimonion is one kind of divina¬ tion not different in the most important respect from the other generally known kinds. Yet Xenophon does not suggest that Socrates used the vulgar kinds of divination. Socrates’ dai¬ monion was very reliable. He told many of his companions to do this or not to do that on the ground that the daimonion foretold the outcome, and the outcome proved him right. Socrates would never have foretold the future to those of his Memorabilia | $ companions to whom he did foretell it, if he had not trusted that he was foretelling the truth; but to whom can one trust in these matters except to a god? And if he trusted gods, how could he believe that there are no gods? Yet this argument hardly proves that Socrates believed in the existence of the gods of the city, and he had not been accused of atheism in the indict¬ ment. Yet Socrates went further. He did not merely make use in his way of divination, i.e., of his daimonion. He sent his “friends” (epitedeioi) away to consult oracles about the proper subjects. Are the “friends” different from the “companions” (synontes) to whom he gave the benefit of his daimonion? When talking to these “friends” he did not speak of his dai¬ monion. Or are they identical with the companions? Did he send his companions to the oracles when only approval of an intended course of action by a public oracle could protect them against the possibly harsh disapproval on the part of the city (cf. Anabasis III. 1.5)? Or did he send them to an oracle when his daimonion remained silent? While Xenophon does not clear up this point, he makes quite clear what the proper questions to address to oracles are. The gods have given to men to know “the necessary things” or to learn all the arts and skills which are meant to lead them to their obtaining the various goods. What the gods reserved for themselves to know is precisely the most important thing in these matters, namely, the outcome of men’s efforts: a man possessing the strategic art cannot know whether the exercise of that art will benefit him. Regarding the most important things in these matters one must consult the oracles, i.e., one must try to find out what is beneficial from the gods through divination, for the gods give signs to those to whom they are gracious. Regarding their most important matters Socrates sent his friends to consult the oracles: he did not consult the oracles for his own guidance;

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