Writer on the Run: German-Jewish Identity and the Experience of Exile in the Life and Work of Henry William Katz

204 Pages·2001·12.353 MB·English

by  Ena Pedersen

Conditio Judaica 33
Studien und Quellen zur deutsch-jüdischen Literatur- und Kulturgeschichte
Herausgegeben von Hans Otto Horch
in Verbindung mit Alfred Bodenheimer, Mark H. Gelber und Jakob Hessing

Ena Pedersen
Writer on the Run
German-Jewish Identity and the
Experience of Exile in the Life and
Work of Henry William Katz
Max Niemeyer Verlag
Tübingen 2001
Die Deutsche Bibliothek - CIP-Einheitsaufnahme
Pedersen, Ena:
Writer on the Run : German-Jewish identity and the experience of exile in the life and work of Henry
William Katz / Ena Pedersen. - Tübingen : Niemeyer, 2001
(Conditio Judaica ; 33)
Zugl.: Diss.
ISBN 3-484-65133-4 ISSN 0941-5866
© Max Niemeyer Verlag GmbH, Tübingen 2001
Das Werk einschließlich aller seiner Teile ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung außerhalb
der engen Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist ohne Zustimmung des Verlages unzulässig und
strafbar. Das gilt insbesondere für Vervielfältigungen, Übersetzungen, Mikroverfilmungen und die
Einspeicherung und Verarbeitung in elektronischen Systemen. Printed in Germany.
Gedruckt auf alterungsbeständigem Papier.
Druck: Weihert-Druck GmbH, Darmstadt
Einband: Nadele Verlags- und Industriebuchbinderei, Nehren
Contents
Introduction
German-Jewish Writers in Exile 1933-1945 1
Chapter I
Henry William Katz: A Tour Through the Twentieth Century 15
Chapter II
Katz's Journalism: Spokesman of the Proletariat 41
a) Political Involvement in the Social Democratic Cause 45
b) The Fate of the Proletariat in Short Stories and Reportagen 48
c) Anti-Extremist Articles and Poetry 62
d) Exile 66
e) Conclusion 69
Chapter III
Die Fischmanns: >Man verfolgt nicht nur die Juden aus Strody< 71
a) Narrative Perspective and Style 71
b) The Shtetl 77
c) The Jews and the Austrian Authorities 87
d) Jewish Identity and Jewish Fate 89
e) Assimilation 98
f) Die Fischmanns and Exile Writing 105
g) Die Fischmanns in Context 110
Chapter IV
Schloßgasse 21: German or Jew? The Question of Identity 127
a) Narrative Technique and Perspective 128
b) A Society in Crisis 130
c) The Jewish Response 146
d) Schloßgasse 21 in Context 169
Conclusion 181
Bibliography 185
Index 195

Introduction
German-Jewish Writers in Exile 1933-1945
The main focus of this book is the life and work of the German-Jewish exile
writer, Heniy William Katz. Although he was awarded the first Heinrich-Heine-
Prize in exile by the >Schutzverband deutscher Schriftsteller im Exil< in 1937,
Katz has largely been forgotten by scholars and critics for the past fifty years.
Indeed, this is the first scholarly treatment of his work. Through an analysis of
Katz's works, it is further my hope to shed light on aspects of German-Jewish
exile literature, such as the writings of and about Eastern European Jews, which
have only been treated marginally in the existing body of research. In which
ways is Katz distinctive, why did he disappear into obscurity for so long, and to
what extent is he representative of German-Jewish writers in exile? This intro-
duction will seek to give an overview of the cultural, religious, and political
demography of the German exiles, focussing, in particular, on the problems
faced by Jewish emigrants. Are there any major differences between the Jewish
and the non-Jewish exile experience and its reflection in the literature of the
period, and, if so, how can these differences be explained?
The mass emigration following Hitler's assumption of power early in 1933 was
on an unprecedented scale. Never before had so many members of Germany's in-
tellectual elite left the country in such a short time, thereby making an overtly poli-
tical statement against the new regime. However, their aversion towards Nazi Ger-
many and the experience of exile were virtually the only common denominators to
this otherwise very diverse group of German exiles. Politically and religiously they
were as scattered as they had been during the Weimar Republic, unwilling to resolve
their previous differences despite the common experience of expatriation. This
diversity was shown not least by the failed attempt to create a > Volksfront uniting
all exiles of all political colours in a common battle against the Nazi regime, under
the leadership of Heinrich Mann. Its aim was summarised as follows in 1937:
Die Volksfront will keine neue Partei sein. Sie soll ein Bund aller derer werden, die
entschlossen sind, ihre Kraft für Freiheit und Wohlstand des deutschen Volkes ein-
zusetzen. Alle in ihr vereinten Parteien und Gruppen bleiben ihren besonderen wei-
terreichenden Zielen treu.1
1 Alexander Stephan: Die deutsche Exilliteratur 1933-1945. Eine Einfuhrung. Mün-
chen: Beck 1979 (Beck'sche Elementarbücher), p. 125.
2 Introduction
Yet only a few months later, the initial enthusiasm had given way to the old
political battles, leaving the believers in the effectiveness of a people's front
deeply disillusioned.
When one examines the background and composition of the German exiles,
the difficulty in creating a bond across political and religious differences be-
comes obvious. One main division is that between Jewish and political refu-
gees. According to Hans-Albert Walter, 350.000 to 360.000 of the 400.000 Ger-
man emigrants were of Jewish descent, having fled primarily because of their
Jewish heritage.2 The remaining 40-50.000 refugees were people who left be-
cause their political, artistic, or intellectual activities were in direct or indirect
confrontation with the ideology of the Nazi regime. There were, of course,
overlaps between the two groups such as German-Jewish writers, scientists,
and intellectuals who fled because of their Jewish heritage, their political ac-
tivities, and their critical publications.3
Although the Jews thus formed the majority of German emigrants, they did
not form a homogeneous group. Instead, they largely maintained the mixed eth-
nic and social structure that had characterised the Jewish minority in Germany.
Out of 500.000 German Jews in 1933, it is estimated that 76% were born in
Germany and 80 % were German citizens. Approximately 20 % were immi-
grants, mainly from Eastern Europe.4 Apart from the recently arrived Eastern
European Jews, most of the German Jews were assimilated to the German popu-
lation to the point where they were indistinguishable from non-Jewish Germans,
something which was a matter of pride to most Jewish families. Socially, most of
them belonged to the middle class, and politically, they represented all parties
from the Communist to the German National Party. Yet, according to Hans-
Albert Walter, most German Jews were apolitical and, apart from the Zionist and
Marxist minorities, certainly not active opponents of Fascism.5 Martin Gumpert,
a German-Jewish doctor and writer who stayed in Germany until 1936, even
made the following claim based on his observations at the time, »[...] manche
glaubten sogar an Hitler, und viele reiche Juden hatten eine heimliche Liebe zu
ihm, sie wären gern dabeigewesen, wenn man sie gelassen hätte«6. Similar
2 Hans-Albert Walter: Öfter als die Schuhe die Länder wechselnd... Ein Überblick
Uber die deutsche Emigration nach 1933. In: Sie flohen vor dem Hakenkreuz. Selbst-
zeugnisse der Emigranten. Ein Lesebuch für Deutsche. Ed. by Walter Zadek. Rein-
bek bei Hamburg: Rowohlt 1981 (rororo, 4836; rororo aktuell), p. 10-22, p. 11.
3 By >German-Jewish< I am referring to any German-speaking Jewish writer or intel-
lectual in exile, thus making a distinction on the basis of language rather than national-
ity. The latter would presuppose German citizenship and thus exclude important
Jewish exile writers such as the Austrian Joseph Roth, the Czech Hans Natonek, and
the Pole Manès Sperber among others.
4 Hans-Albert Walter: Deutsche Exilliteratur 1933-1950, Vol. 1: Bedrohung und Verfol-
gung bis 1933. Darmstadt: Luchterhand 1972 (Sammlung Luchterhand, 76), p. 199-200.
5 Ibid., p. 201.
German-Jewish Writers in Exile 1933-1945 3
claims have been made by other contemporaries of Gumpert, and have since
been confirmed by Walter's research.7
In retrospect, such a statement may seem drastic, considering the later fatal
consequences of Hitler's ascension to power for the Jewish people. It can, how-
ever, only be applied to a minority of German Jews, such as the members of the
>Verband nationaldeutscher Juden<, who under the leadership of Max Naumann
asserted their close affiliation with the German people and their deep roots in
German society and histoiy, often at the expense of the Eastern European Jewish
emigrants. The vast majority of German Jews were not as radical. In order to
understand their position, it is therefore important to bear in mind the enormous
admiration of the Jews for Germany and German culture, the very admiration
and idolisation which led thousands of Eastern European Jews to flee to Ger-
many from pogroms and wars in the East. Germany was considered the country
of humanistic ideals and enlightenment, thus offering liberation to the suppres-
sed and persecuted Eastern European Jews who flooded Germany from 1880 on-
wards. This idolisation of Germany and German >Bildung< is demonstrated ex-
tremely well, for example, in Abraham Meyer Goldschmidt's speech »Rede zur
Lessingfeier in Leipzig« from 1860. Like most Jews at the time, especially in
Eastern Europe, Goldschmidt (rabbi of Leipzig, 1812-1889) praises Lessing as
the man who through his drama Nathan der Weise and through his friendship
with Moses Mendelssohn brought German culture, manners, education, and hu-
manity to the suppressed Jewish people in Eastern Europe. The enormous enthu-
siasm in these lines illustrates the hope of liberation and personal freedom with
which the Eastern European Jews embraced the whole concept of Germany
which, to them, was represented by a few enlightened writers:
Und waren auch nicht alle Schranken auf einmal niedergerissen, und waren auch
nicht alle Hemmnisse auf einmal überwunden, so hoffte man doch - und der Erfolg
hat die Hoffnung gerechtfertigt -, daß das Land, das einen Lessing erzeugen konnte,
auch der Boden sei, in welchem der Same der Humanität, den einer seiner edlesten
Söhne gestreut, tiefe Wurzeln schlagen, sich entfalten und gedeihen müsse. [...] Die
Toleranz, die er gepredigt, sie ist zur Tat geworden; ja noch mehr, die sogenannte
Duldung, sie ist zur gleichberechtigten Anerkennung geworden.8
The attitude expressed by Rabbi Goldschmidt was certainly the prevailing one
among Eastern European Jews at the time, although, as has recently been
pointed out by Ritchie Robertson, a more critical reading of Lessing's plays
would question the actual extent of Lessing's tolerance of the Jews.9 Mean-
7 Walter, Bedrohung und Verfolgung (p. 2, note 4), p. 201-202.
8 Abraham Meyer Goldschmidt: Rede zur Lessingfeier in Leipzig (1860). In: Lessing -
ein unpoetischer Dichter. Dokumente aus drei Jahrhunderten zur Wirkungsgeschich-
te Lessings in Deutschland. Ed. by Horst Steinmetz. Frankfurt a. M.: Athenäum
1969, (Wirkung der Literatur, 1), p. 346-348.
9 Ritchie Robertson: »Dies hohe Lied der Duldung«? The Ambiguities of Toleration
in Lessing's »Die Juden« and »Nathan der Weise«. In: The Modern Language Re-
view 93 (1998), No. 1, p. 105-120.
4 Introduction
while, the already assimilated German Jews rose within German society, gaining
not only wealth but also distinguished positions. Indeed, in the Weimar Repub-
lic, many of the most prominent artists, scientists, journalists, writers, and bank-
ers were Jewish. Such positions, however, had not been achieved without an
indefatigable struggle for recognition and serious attempts to demonstrate that
they were worthy to participate in German cultural and political life.
For the most part, the German Jews were more than willing to >earn< their
acceptance by the German people, considering their citizenship a matter of
both privilege and responsibility. By involving themselves in all aspects of
German society, apart from higher positions within the army, the legal profes-
sion, and academia to which they were generally denied admission except
when serving as token Jews, they wanted to show their enthusiasm and make
their contribution to the country they loved. Their deep admiration for Ger-
many, the years of struggle to assimilate, and their largely financially secure
positions in society thus constituted serious impediments to a swift decision for
exile when Hitler became Chancellor. Indeed, most German Jews could and
would not believe that Nazi anti-Semitism would escalate to a point worse than
other anti-Semitic experiences in the past which, after all, the Jewish people
had survived. Their emigration therefore proceeded extremely slowly, count-
ing only 37.000 Jews in 1933, 60.000 in 1934, 81.000 in 1935, 106.000 in
1936, and 129.000 in 1937. The Jewish exodus reached its peak with the pogrom
of 9 November 1938 by which time, however, emigration had been rendered
increasingly difficult by financial matters and by a decline in the number of
countries willing to accept the refugees.10 In other words, most Jewish emigrants
did not leave until a continuation of their German-Jewish existence had been
made absolutely impossible by the Nazi regime. However, having made the
decision to leave, most Jews did not expect to return to Germany. The symbiosis
they believed they had with Germany had been destroyed, leaving no other op-
tion than emigration and assimilation to another country, be it Palestine or any
other open and friendly nation. It was indeed as Hans-Albert Walter has pointed
out an »Auswanderung mit dem Character der Endgültigkeit«11.
Unlike the Jewish emigrants, the non-Jewish political exiles left Germany
almost immediately after Hitler's appointment as Chancellor. Most members
of this group were left-wing writers and journalists whose political activity
during the Weimar Republic made them obvious targets when the Nazis came
to power. Whereas most Jews abandoned the idea of a return to Germany after
their emigration, the political exiles believed that the new regime would
quickly be overthrown, enabling them to return within a few months or years.
Meanwhile, they considered themselves representatives of the >true< Germany,
struggling to enlighten the world and the German people about the threat of
Hitler's policy not only to Germany's future but to all of Europe. They thus
10 Walter, Bedrohung und Verfolgung (p. 2, note 4), p. 202-203.
11 Ibid., p. 205.