Women in Television Commercials: A Comparative Analysis Between Australia and Bangladesh

10 Pages·2011·9.045 MB·English

by  Mahboob, Shaolee

"
Women in Television Commercials
A Comparative Analysis Between Australia and Bangladesh
Australia and Bangladesh aretwo opposite countries with regards to cultural and geographical settings.
But sometimes, their visions regarding women's identity come closer when awoman istreated asa
sexobject. This paper considers women's representation in television commercials in Australia and
Bangladesh. Atotal of 400 advertisements were recorded from various television channels of Australia
and Bangladesh in 2005 and 2006. Bringing an interdisciplinary but empirical approach to abroad
range 6f recently screened advertisements, this paper examines how femininities are stereotypically
represented inthese two countries'television commercials. The study suggests that women are
produced and reproduced assexual objects. The representations of women's bodies circulate around
the binary of purity and pollution. The interesting finding of this study isthe extension of the "male-
gaze"concept where women come under the gaze from (hetero) sexual perspectives. This constructs
women's secondary position and creates instability in societies.
SHAOLEE MAHBOOB
T
he present study considers the representation of including ATN Bangia Television, Boishakhi Television
women in television commercials in Australia and NTV in Bangladesh and Channels 7,9,10 and SBS
and Bangladesh. Australia and Bangladesh inAustralia. Atotal of400 advertisements were viewed.
are two very different countries in regards to their Of these, 200 were screened on Bangladesh television
economic, cultural, technological and geographical and 200 on Australian television.
ettings. However, sometimes their vision regarding
women's identity intersects when "femininity" is THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND
defined and represented similarly and stereotypically
LITERATURE REVIEW
in both countries. This study explores the similarities
and differences in women's representation in both To understand the politics of representing gender in
Bangladeshi and Australian television commercials. commercials, weneed toreview some theories and define
n these two countries' commercials, common images some concepts. Social scientists see representation from
femininity which circulate include women as sexual different points of views. Some of these are surveyed
bjects and objects tobe looked at;that women are close below.
o nature; women's bodies circulate around the binary Hall argues, "Representation is the production of
purity and pollution; women must be white, skinny meaning through language" (Hall, 1997,p.16). Heextends
d beautiful; women must obey customs established his discussion of representation by using Foucault's
patriarchy. Consequently, these images strengthen idea of "discourse" which is not merely, but more than,
men's secondary position. language. Foucault argues that human beings understand
The study aims at exploring how women are themselves through history rather than through semiotic
rtrayed as sex objects in television advertisements approaches. Power relations form a crucial part of his
interpreting sexual and romance narratives implicit understanding:
explicit in the plots and examining how women
One's point ofreference should not be to the great
ubjugated to patriarchy. There is a hypothesis
model of language (langue) and signs, but to that
erpinning this research, that is, the East and the
of war and battle. The history, which bears and
ometimes collapse into each other inconstructing
determines us,has the form ofwar rather than that
femininity in the arena of advertising.
of a language: relations of power, not relations of
- an empirical study. At the empirical stage,
meaning (Foucault, 1980, p. 114).
ercials are analysed that were screened on prime-
etelevision (between 7a.m. and 11p.m.) from August Thus, for Foucault, meaning circulates within
October 2005 and from July to September 2006. historical, social and cultural fields of power relations.
commercials were screened on various channels, Hall's analyses this in the following way:
By'discourse: Foucault means 'agroup ofstatements
which provide alanguage fortalking about -a way
ee'\lahboob isAssociate Professor inthe Department
ofrepresenting the knowledge about -a particular
.AI:.!hropologyat Jagannath University, Dhaka, Bangladesh.
205
MEDIA ASIA,VOL38NO4,2011
topic ataparticular historical moment ...Discourse meaning that they maybear more than one piece 0
is about the production of knowledge through information (Goffman, 1979, p. 2), which may
language (Foucault in Hall, 1997, p.44). codes of gender order in society. Although Go
analysis focuses on print advertisements and tel
Hallsummarises Foucault's approach torepresentation
by writing that "the production of knowledge is always commercials, which also relyon the interaction 0
images and verbal messages can be analysed
crossed with questions of power and the body; and
Goffman's idea.
this greatly expands the scope of what is involved in
Butler seesgender asboth produced and performative.
representation" (Foucault in Hall, 199 , p. 51). An
Butler says that gender performativity isnot only about
understanding ofdiscourse in these terms suggests that
speech acts but also about bodily acts. The relation
there are hidden politics of representation. The study
between speech and bodily acts is a complicated one,
takes "advertising" as "discourse" to understand the
which she calls 'chiasmus: ForButler, speech has abodily
historical and semiotic meanings ofgender representation
component-speech isproduced bypeople with bodies.
in Australian and Bangladeshi commercials.
Interpellating speech has corporeal effects-speech acts
For Butler, "politics" and "representation" are
~ave such profound determinative effects that they can
controversial terms. Representation isan effective term
literally, corporeally, wound people: "words enter the
within apolitical process that looks toextend visibility and
limbs ... bend the spine ... live and thrive in and as the
legitimacy towomen aspolitical subjects. Representation
flesh of the addressee" (Butler, 1997, p. 159). Following
then is the "normative function of a language which is
L.acanand Felman's views, she asserts that "the body gives
said either to reveal or to distort what isassumed to be
nse to language, that language carries bodily aims and
true about the category of women" (Butler, 1999, p. 3).
performs bodily deeds that are not always understood by
These distortions and assumptions circulate widely in
those who use language to accomplish certain conscious
the field ofadvertising, and uphold myths about women
aims" (Butler, 2004, p. 198). The 'chiasmus' she refers
as "lacking" or "castrated':
to, then, is the gap between the bodily acts and the
Butler's approach draws heavily on both Foucault and
speech acts, aims and deeds. The study judges gender
feminist psychoanalytic theory. Recent feminist writing
performativity in commercials from the bodily acts,
on psychoanalysis suggests that in patriarchal societies,
speech acts (jingles, dialogue, voiceovers), and the gaps
"woman" is the bearer of meaning, not the maker of
between them. These theoretical frameworks will be
meaning. As such, she is bound to obey patriarchal
employed tounderstand and analyse women's secondary
imperatives (Mulvey, 1975, in Bartkowski & Kolmar,
positioning in advertisements.
2005, pp. 296-297).
The following review of literature will act also as a
The following theoretical approaches aid in
~onceptual framework forexploring and interpreting the
understanding and decoding the meanings of
Images of femininity that dominate in advertisements.
advertisements.
Tiggemann, Verri and Scaravaggi (2005) write that a
Berger famously suggested that inart and advertising,
thi~ woman is the media ideal in Australia and Italy.
"men act and women appear': Heexplains that "men look
This creates body dissatisfaction and disordered eating
at women and women watch themselves being looked
tendencies. The article of Lavine, Sweeney and Wagner
at. This turns her into an object-an object ofvision or
(1999) similarly concludes that depicting women as
asight" (Berger, 1972, p.47).
sex objects in television advertisements increases body
Women's bodies are continually constructed and
dissatisfaction among men and women. However, the
reconstructed. Laura Mulvey states that as material
present study will not emphasise the consequences of
object~, women's bodies are "to be looked at" ( Iulvey,
repre entation of thin women on television but takes a
1975, In Bartkowski & Kolrnar, 2005, p. 299). Iulvev
broader view: how women's bodies are represented.
and Kaplan differently demonstra e that dominance
There are not many works on the portrayal ofwomen
or submission structures affect women' ima es -here
in Bangladesh television commercials. However, there
they figure as passive objects of male desire Kaplan,
has been research undertaken byscholars onprint media
1983, pp. 315-320; Mulve ,1984, pp. 361-366 cited in
and television. According toNasrin (1999 &2006), inthe
Petersen, 1997, p. 50). \X'omen are displa 'ed as exual
context of Bangladesh television (BTV), commercials
objects and are viewed through erotic pectacle: "from
mobilise women's presence in ways that marginalise
pin-ups to strip-tea e,from Ziegfeld to Busbv Berkelev
them. Sometimes, a female model is used irrespective
she holds the look, pia 's to and ignifie m;Ue de ire"
of whether the product is targeted at men or women.
(Mulvey, 1975, in Bartkowski r Kolmar 2005, p. 299).
She also suggests that advertisements devalue women
Women then are subject to the "male gaze"
by selling their sex appeal (Nasrin, 1999, pp. 18-28).
The study uses this "male gaze- concept and extends its
Furthermore, she argues that the portrayal ofwomen in
circumference from male to female and even to animals
the Bangladeshi media isboth "peripheral" and "negative"
when they, as viewers of a woman in a commercial,
and she describes women in Bangladeshi advertising as
become the bearers ofthe look. iewers are (implicitly)
a"commodity" (Nasrin, 2006, pp. 164-165).
always men.
Chowdhury (2006) and Haque (2006) demonstrate
Inhisbook, Gender advertisements, Goffman suggests
that academics and women's organisations such as
that advertisements are 'rnultivocal' or 'polysernic;
Narigrontho Probortona, (Gender in Media Forum) or
206
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WOMEN INTELEVISION COMMERCIALS: ACOMPARATIVE ANALYSIS BETWEEN AUSTRALIA AND BANGLADESH
ari Sangbadik Kendra (Women Journalists Centre) are that women are sexualised, in the following group of
now vocal in protesting about advertisements for 'Fair advertisements prove that women's identity is always
and Lovely; a skin-whitening cream, produced by the subject to the need for women to engage in body
multinational company Unilever in Bangladesh. There beautification and to conform to narratives of sexual
have been allegations that the product increases racial desirability. Women are positioned asobjects ofboth the
discrimination by suggesting that whiteness is more male and female gaze. Close readings ofadvertisements
desirable and that Hydroquinine, which is associated will show how women take up this double position.
with increased risk of skin cancer and skin diseases, is
used in this product. (Chowdhury, 2006, p. 1; Haque, Rosken moisturiser (Australia)
2006, p. 1).
The above literature review suggests that the media
play an important role in shaping gender identity in the
society and in positioning women's status.
BRANDING FEMININITY: THE LANGUAGE AND
IMAGERY OF TELEVISION ADVERTISEMENTS
The advertisements in the present chapter have been
taken as cases from various Bangladeshi and Australian
channels tocompare the constructions offemininity that
exist inboth societies. These case studies willpresent the
world offemininity constructed byadvertising through
an understanding of gender in terms of male/female
differences. We shall see how femininity is represented
through modes of sexual deference, sensuality,
mothering, housewifery, cleanliness, compassion,
females' attachment to nature, nurturing and family
responsibilities and patriarchy in advertisements.
Powerful messages ofdependency, servility and propriety
are attached to femininity in television commercials.
This Australian advertisement isfor Roskin moisturiser.
All the 'urvashies" and 'venuses' in commercials: The female model, identified as "Kate A.,age 34';isalife
Reflecting gender through 'male-gazing' model-a model who poses nude for artists. According
Slogans like "Inside every woman, there is a goddess to the script, she needs to have beautiful skin because of
waiting tobediscovered" (Venus battery-operated razor, her job. She uses Roskin, aproduct that "seals moisture
Australia)", "She isadream queen" (Keya Super Beauty fortwenty four hours': She removes her underwear while
Soap, Bangladesh) form the mirage ofanimaginary world, two male painters begin topaint. However, these two men
where awoman is praised as a 'goddess' for her bodily do not appear in front ofcamera, asonly their hands are
beauty. Here, she becomes an 'object'-an object to be revealed as they are working.
looked at, appraised and desired. Berger's notion "men act,women appear" and Mulvey's
The concept ofbeauty varies from culture to culture. idea of"Woman asimage, man asbearer ofthe look" are
However, from top to bottom, the female body is an illustrated here. Here the woman "appears" in several
"object ofsight" targeted byadvertisers forbeautification. senses: first of all, she is to be looked at because she is
Both inAustralia and inBangladesh, wewatch television an object of beauty; secondly, she is both the painters'
commercials where women use make up to change their model aswellasthe skin cream company's spokesmodel.
body colour, use cream to hide wrinkles and acne, use As such, she ispositioned as overtly subject to the male
shampoo orhair oilforlong strong hair.The commercials gaze-both tothe 'painters' inthe advertisement and also
suggest that these make men want to look atwomen and to the 'male gaze' of television viewers. Whether male
women want to be looked at. or female, the viewer exercises a male gaze because the
Mulvey writes that women are "to be looked at" woman islooked at.Mulveywrites that awoman performs
(Mulvey, 1975, in Bartkowski, 2005, p. 299). The same within two narratives, "the gaze of the spectator and
connotation isuttered inthewritings ofWolf,"The beauty that of the male characters in the film" (Mulvey, 1975,
myth tells astory: The quality called 'beauty' objectively in Bartkowski & Kolma!, 2005, p. 299). The model thus
and universally exists. Women must want to embody becomes the object ofthe male gaze. The woman in the
it and men must want to possess women who embody commercial isreduced to an image.
it" (Wolf, 1991, p. 12). Women are encouraged to buy This Roskin advertisement strongly and overtly draw:
cosmetics, both to fulfil male desire and because of the upon the conventions of art-history/and oil painting of
impact ofmass advertising on television bythe cosmetic nudes. Nudity is important here in placing the woman
industries. within the gaze. According to Berger, nude painting
Furthermore, sexual content, as well as the ways expose a particular hypocrisy: "You painted a naked
.••.
WOMEN INTELEVISION COMMERCIALS: ACOMPARATIVE ANALYSIS BETWEEN AUSTRALIA AND BANGLADESH
Nari Sangbadik Kendra (Women Journalists Centre) are that women are sexualised, in the following group of
now vocal in protesting about advertisements for 'Fair advertisements prove that women's identity is always
and Lovely; a skin-whitening cream, produced by the subject to the need for women to engage in body
multinational company Unilever in Bangladesh. There beautification and to conform to narratives of sexual
have been allegations that the product increases racial desirability. Women are positioned asobjects ofboth the
discrimination by suggesting that whiteness is more male and female gaze. Close readings ofadvertisements
desirable and that Hydroquinine, which is associated will show how women take up this double position.
with increased risk of skin cancer and skin diseases, is
ut used in this product. (Chowdhury, 2006, p. 1; Haque, Rosken moisturiser (Australia)
n 2006, p. 1).
The above literature review suggests that the media
play an important role in shaping gender identity in the
society and in positioning women's status.
BRANDING FEMININITY: THE LANGUAGE AND
IMAGERY OF TELEVISION ADVERTISEMENTS
The advertisements in the present chapter have been
taken as cases from various Bangladeshi and Australian
channels tocompare the constructions offemininity that
exist inboth societies. These case studies willpresent the
world of femininity constructed by advertising through
an understanding of gender in terms of male/female
e differences. We shall see how femininity isrepresented
through modes of sexual deference, sensuality,
mothering, housewifery, cleanliness, compassion,
females' attachment to nature, nurturing and family
responsibilities and patriarchy in advertisements.
Powerful messages ofdependency, servility and propriety
are attached to femininity in television commercials.
This Australian advertisement isfor Roskin moisturiser.
All the 'urvashies" and 'venuses' in commercials: The female model, identified as"Kate A., age 34';isalife
Reflecting gender through 'male-gazing' model-a model who poses nude for artists. According
Slogans like "Inside every woman, there is a goddess to the script, she needs to have beautiful skin because of
waiting tobediscovered" (Venus battery-operated razor, her job. She uses Roskin, aproduct that "seals moisture
Australia)", "She isadream queen" (Keya Super Beauty fortwenty four hours': She removes her underwear while
Soap, Bangladesh) form the mirage ofanimaginary world, two male painters begin topaint. However, these two men
where awoman is praised as a 'goddess' for her bodily do not appear in front ofcamera, asonly their hands are
beauty. Here, she becomes an 'object' -an object to be revealed as they are working.
looked at, appraised and desired. Berger's notion "men act,women appear" and Mulvey's
The concept ofbeauty varies from culture to culture. idea of"Woman as image, man asbearer ofthe look" are
However, from top to bottom, the female body is an illustrated here. Here the woman "appears" in several
"object ofsight"targeted byadvertisers forbeautification. senses: first of all, she is to be looked at because she is
Both inAustralia and inBangladesh, wewatch television an object of beauty; secondly, she is both the painters'
commercials where women use make up to change their model aswellasthe skin cream company's spokesmodel.
body colour, use cream to hide wrinkles and acne, use As such, she ispositioned as overtly subject to the male
shampoo orhair oilforlongstrong hair.The commercials gaze-both tothe 'painters' inthe advertisement and also
suggest that these make men want to look atwomen and to the 'male gaze' of television viewers. Whether male
women want to be looked at. or female, the viewer exercises a male gaze because the
Mulvey writes that women are "to be looked at" woman islooked at.Mulvey writes that awoman performs
(Mulvey, 1975, in Bartkowski, 2005, p. 299). The same within two narratives, "the gaze of the spectator and
connotation isuttered inthewritings ofWolf,"The beauty that of the male characters in the film" (Mulvey, 1975,
myth tells astory: The quality called 'beauty' objectively in Bartkowski & Kolmal, 2005, p. 299). The model thus
and universally exists. Women must want to embody becomes the object ofthe male gaze. The woman in the
it and men must want to possess women who embody commercial isreduced to an image.
it" (Wolf, 1991, p. 12). Women are encouraged to buy This Roskin advertisement strongly and overtly drav
cosmetics, both to fulfil male desire and because of the upon the conventions of art-history/and oil painting 0
impact ofmass advertising on television bythe cosmetic nudes. Nudity is important here in placing the woman
industries. within the gaze. According to Berger, nude painting
Furthermore, sexual content, as well as the ways expose a particular hypocrisy: "You painted a
MEDIA ASIA,VOL38NO4,2011
woman because you enjoyed looking at her, you put a Jingle text
mirror in her hand and you called the painting vanity, Ispread love on my body and
thus morally condemning the woman whose nakedness Idraw love in my mind
you had depicted for your own pleasure" (Berger, 1972, Flowers say Iwant your fragrance
p.51). The mirror reflects the woman's naked body and Sun says Iwant gloss [ofskin]
beauty back ather, asifshe isitsconsumer and producer. Green leaves want liveliness [ofskin] and
Males thus enjoy nude images but do not take any Butterflies want beauty
responsibility forthis nudity. So,strategically, advertisers Tibbet soap (Bangladesh)
make the woman in the Roskin commercial sa 'that she
is posing nude for her job, as ifshe isan active subject
rather than the passive object of the male gaze. Here we
can see the gap between the body act ofthe female model
(nudity which bears thesexual content) and speech (sheis
acting for herself, not for male-gaze). This gap, to Butler,
is'chiasmus; where the female model failsto understand
that through the gap between the body act and speech
(the language of the script) that she is an object of the
male gaze.
In this way, we see women occupying a viewing
The jingle text for this advertisement demonstrates that
position inwhich they must imagine themselves asmen
the female model knows that she isbeing looked at both
seethem. AsBerger suggests, "One might simplify this by
by her male partner as well as viewers of the television.
saying: men act and women appear. Men look atwomen.
In the advertisement, she isunclothed which isasexual
Women watch themselves being looked at ... Thus she
signifier (Godrej, 2006, p. 6).This isreminiscent of"the
turns herself into an object-and most particularly an
nude" theme discussed by Berger (Berger, 1972, p. 47).
object ofvision: asight" (ibid., p.47).
Secondly, as she is taking a shower, the jingle text "I
Positioning ofthe female body isan important mode
spread love on my body" can be associated with sexual
of constructing women as objects. The image can be
touching. From the background, the male directors and
explained byGoffman's contention. Goffrnan's reading is
crew produce her as asexual object to be looked at.
that women posed lying on the floor, or in bed bending
The same contention can be found for the
their legs, act as though the relevant body parts were
advertisement for Lakme lipstick in Bangladesh.
being employed in adisassociated or innocent way. But
this dissociates the part from the whole. So, women's
Lakme lipstick (Bangladesh)
consciousness of being sexualised, or "engaging" in the
game, isneutralised. This sets up apowerful association
between the female body and sexuality (Goffman, 1979,
p. 68). The image thus contains a sexual narrative. The
provocative pose insists that the woman isemploying a
form ofsexual invitation and that this isdone knowingly.
Women, then, come to be read as complicit in their own
objectification.
Further, animals can s -mbolise men and can be
bearers of the male gaze. In one of the advertisemen
"\X'ho's watching your lips today" isthe motto ofLakme
for Optus 3G, agiraffe, after getting 10 ,raise his nec '
Lipstick, where the closed lips of the model have been
tothe room ofan apartment building and as' a 'oman,
broadcast on the television screen in a stadium. Here,
"Could you please tell me where I am?" The \'oman is
the male isthe technician behind the television camera
dressing, and is wearing onl ' unden 'ear. The \'oman
and the audience. The female model automatically comes
screams upon seeing the giraffe at the \ -indov 'and runs
into the (male) viewing position. Thus women are always
out ofthe room crossing her hand over her breas .This
upposed to imagine themselves as men see them.
is the same reaction a woman would have if it \ 'as a
Another example ofBerger's men act/women appear
man watching her while she dressed. After hearing the
theory isthe ATN collection in Bangladesh.
scream, the giraffe says, "Oh sorry, no I'm not really like
that, honest:' This is another advertisement in which
an animal, is"the bearer of the look" standing in for an
actual man.
The above idea illustrates that the male gaze does not
necessarily have to mean aman's eyes inany literal sense
but rather represents a(hetero) sexually objectifying gaze.
The following advertisement for Tibbet beauty care
soap in Bangladesh also carries the connotation of the
objectifying gaze.
208
"
WOMEN INTELEVISION COMMERCIALS: ACOMPARATIVE ANALYSIS BETWEEN AUSTRALIA AND BANGLADESH
In one of the advertisements for the ATN collection,
the jingle text with its female voiceover states: "Khuji
Tomake" (Iam looking for you). This means the female
model is looking for the male model. The male model
works comfortably inhisATN singlet. The female model
then appears and becomes happy after hugging him.
Here, "he" is the subject and "she" is the object of this
advertisement and achievement of his romantic goal.
This advertisement shows that "man acts and woman
appears'; because she figures as the achievement of his
romantic goal.
Competition between/among women
In advertising discourses, women are often represented Lux body wash
as being engaged in competition among themselves. (Australia)
"Lux brings out the star in you"-this isthe message
of Lux soap products. The star of Lux Aqua Sparkle The (fe)male gaze?
advertisement is Aishwarya Rai, who was Miss World One might expect that where cosmetics are advertised to
in 1994 (Wikipedia, 2006a, p. 1).In Australia, the star of male consumers, wemight find the gender tables turned.
Lux body wash is Jennifer Hawkins who won the 2004 Wemight expect, forexample, tofind men competing for
Miss Universe pageant (Wikipedia, 2006b, p. 1). The women's attention, or being objectified beneath afemale
Lux campaign featuring beauty pageant winners seems gaze.Wemight expect tofindmen "appearing" rather than
to offer a salient illustration of the need for women to acting. But gender representations are not symmetrical:
compete against each other. AsBerger explains, the logic we do not see men represented in these ways. On the
of the beauty contest is something like the myth of the contrary, even for products used by men, we find that
Judgment of Paris. women appear as sexual objects. In the advertisement,
The Judgment ofParis was another theme ... ofaman we see four women embrace one handsome man who
or men looking at naked women ... Paris awards the uses Emami Fair and Handsome cream.
apple tothe woman hefinds most beautiful. Thus Beauty
becomes competitive. (Today The Judgment ofParis has
become the Beauty Contest.) Those who are not judged
beautiful are not beautiful. Those who are, are given the
prize. The prize isto be owned byajudge-that isto say
to be available for him (Berger, 1972, pp. 51-52).
Lux (Bangladesh)
Emami Fair &Handsome cream (Bangladesh)
The man does not compete with other men for the
prize ofbeing judged byfour women. Instead, thewomen
arecompeting among themselves forhisattention. Inthis
advertisement, the "logic" isthe same, even ifproducts
areaimed atdifferent users, women arestillsexual objects
in these advertisements.
So, it is clear that female positions in these
advertisements are not "subject" positions. A woman's
body and beauty is continually constructed within the
cultural sphere and the media thus establish an image
of women's lower position. The idea of the male gaze,
mirror and vanity, the beauty contest and the (fe)male
gazeand Berger's assertion that "men act/women appear"
Inthe Luxcommercials, women aresupposed tocompare all feature. In the above advertisements, it is seen that
themselves against each other as(male) judges might; the women's beauty isacommodity, women are represented
"prize" isto be deemed most beautiful (byamale judge). asobjects ofsexuality, objects tobelooked atand objects 0
Radical feminists might say this directly undermines males' unlimited desire. Inaddition, women aredepi
notions of solidarity of sisterhood among females by as enjoying this.
inviting division.
MEDIA ASIA,VOL38NO4,2011
SEPARATE SPHERES: CONSTRUCTIONS OF In advertisements for Pran sugondhi chal (Pran-
scented rice) and Fresh Spice (Bangladesh), female
WOMEN'S WORK
models appear astraditional housewives who serve their
This section helps us to understand that television husbands and children atthe dining table, standing beside
commercials also produce and reproduce image of them. In Australia, this is not unusual at all.
femininity attheaegisofmaleunderstanding. Furthermore.
itoffers an expression ofhow femininity isconstructed by uperwomen" oftoday
a
framing representations offemininity \ithin binaries like
In an advertisement for Fresh salt, Bipasha Hayat, a
public and private pheres, and purity and pollution. celebrity in Bangladesh tries to balance the public!
private sphere. as she is an actress, a painter and a
The patriarchal "family" and "home"; Public, Private model. This "new woman" has emerged in commercials
dichotomy and isrepresented as "superwoman': This superwoman
The following advertisements establish that the private "manages to do all the work at home and on the job
sphere isstill reserved for women. Graycar and Morgan (with the help of a product, of course not her husband
write that "Public may be used to denote state activity. or children). Or as the liberated woman, who owes her
the values ofthe market-place, work, the male domain, or independence and self-esteem to the products she uses"
that sphere ofactivity which isregulated bylaw.Private (Kilbourne, 1995, p. 125).
may denote civil society. the values of family. intimacy. Furthermore, these images are not at allsymbolic of
the personal life.home. women's domain. or that sphere progress, but rather create amyth about progress. Fresh
of activity or behaviour unregulated by law" (Graycar salt and Radhuni spice in Bangladesh bear such myths.
& Morgan, 2002. p. 10). Feminists have criticised the InAustralia. the same scenario, the myth about progress,
public/private dichotomy because inpatriarchal society. can beseen invarious advertisements forproducts (KFC
women's positioning intheprivate sphere reduces them to and others). The representations of women's work in
an equivalence with nature, nurture and non-rationality commercials still construct the home as the women's
(Thornton. 1995, pp. 9-12). In commercials. women primary sphere ofactivity.When women "act';this activity
are often relegated to the private sphere. As we have isfor men's comfort.
seen previously, where women do operate in the public
sphere, they are linked to the sphere of the body and WOMEN THREATEN CONTAGION: HEALTH
uncontrollable sexuality. Servility is also an important
AND HYGIENE
feature of patriarchal femininity, that is, the images
of women. which operate in patriarchal society. The Advertisements for washing products, house cleaning
following advertisements will show the public/private products and sanitary napkins are attached to the
patriarchal division of labour. realm of femininity. Ideas about health and hygiene are
In an advertisement for Tetley tea in Bangladesh, the connected to ideas about pollution and danger signified
husband comes home from the office and his mood is by the female body, which needs to be purified and
not good. He istraversing the public and private spheres cleansed. Douglas demonstrates that dirt is essentially
here. At home. his wife brings him a cup of Tetley tea. disorder. However, she believes that dirt exists inthe eye
The husband becomes nostalgic and remembers his ofthe beholder. Ideas about pollution relate tosocial life.
university life in England where he used to have Tetley With our separating, tidying and purifying. we interpret
tea. After having tea, his mood improves and his wife is primitive purification rituals for modern life.There isa
happy with that. The suggestion of this advertisement beliefthat each sexisadanger tothe other through contact
isthe wife ishappy when her husband is. with sexual fluids. Another belief exists too, stipulating
Frames of the advertisement demonstrate female that only one sex (female) isasource ofpollution to the
subordination. In The ritualisation of subordination, other (male). Women signify both blood and purity and
Goffman writes that "Holding the body erect and the these double positionings are perpetuated inadvertising
head high is stereotypically a mark of unasharnedness, representations. So the female body is understood to
superiorityanddi dain" (Goffman.1979. pAD).Here. the threaten contagion, and therefore needs to be purified
woman concentrate on her hu band while her husband through elaborate rituals (Douglas, 1966, pp. 1-3).
concentrates on the tea. Her head is lowered. which is Inadvertisements fortoilet cleaning products, most of
suggestive of her subordinate position. the time. the cleaner isfemale, but "experts" or"advisors"
Pran Scented Rice (Bangladesh) Harpic Max toilet cleaner Harpic toilet cleaner
(stereotypical housewife inAustralia) (Australia) (Bangladsh)
210
"
WOMEN INTELEVISION COMMERCIALS ACOMPARATIVE ANALYSIS BETWEEN AUSTRALIA AND BANGLADESH
ran- are more often male. In an advertisement for Harpic kind ofacknowledgement ofwomen's capacity topollute.
nale Max, the female model is worried about the smell and Having a period is a matter of women's reproductive
eir cleanliness of the toilet. In a commercial for Harpic health. In Bangladesh, it is a hidden subject because of
ide screened inBangladesh, the advisor isagain male but the its association with the leaky female body. Shame and
toilet cleaner isfemale. So,we can conclude that women secrecy is used in the advertisement to remind women
need to (be) clean because their bodies signify pollution that the "ultimate humiliation would be any indication
and disorder. that they are menstruating" (Houppert, 1995, cited in
,a Again, the mother's duty isto clean the baby's bottom Merskin, 1999,p.947).The motto ofthe Senora Confident
aic! (Huggies Baby Wipes), or use Dettol as adisinfectant in is "use senora and be confident': Here, the confidence
a both Bangladesh and Australia, suggesting that women arises out of not having aleaky body.
als clean household dirt while men work outside. InAustralia,
an tochange achild's nappy, towash ayoung baby's hand, to Libra sanitary napkin (Australia)
ob prepare chicken are all female duties. Here, we see that
nd the male's hands are dirty from gardening or repairing
er abicycle and he washes his own hand.
:of
In Australia, the Libra sanitary napkin commercial
promotes the "comfort" theme.
These advertisements focus onthe hygienic conditions
necessary for female health in patriarchal societies.
Martin suggests that menstruation is a form of "failed
production': It suggests a failure to provide a "warm
womb to nurture a man's sperm" and it relates the
"leak" to "deterioration" and discharge (Martin, 1987,
g Dettol hand wash (Australia) p. 47). Patriarchal views construct barriers against
e
the transmission of information about menstruation.
e
We see that the man's hand in the sphere oftechnical Merskin writes that "asasocial construction, femininity
~d
work while women do not do heavy manual work. The involves the cultivation of a body that does not leak"
women's hands are decorated with long nails and gold (Merskin, 1999, p. 948). In these two advertisements,
bangles, (Winship, 1987, pp. 26-30). These images the terms 'confident' and 'comfort' remind us of the
produce and reproduce the traditional divisions oflabour. opposite view that women are sometimes 'unconfident'
Fiveyears ago,itwas rare to see anyadvertisement for and 'uncomfortable:
sanitary napkins on any Bangladeshi television channel. Based on Douglas's theory of purity and danger,
In that sense, Senora isaunique advertisement. Kristeva introduces the concept of 'abjection' in her
Powers of horror: An essay on abjection, under which
Senora sanitary pad (Bangladesh) the clean and proper body, the obedient, law-abiding,
social body emerges. According to her, there are three
broad categories of abjection: abjection towards food
thus towards bodily incorporation, abjection towards
bodily waste and abjection towards the signs of sexual
difference. Kristeva, like Douglas, conceives of fluids
as objects (Grosz, 1994, pp. 192-195). In these ways,
television commercials continuously produce and
reproduce images of femininity and remind us how to
However, the representation degrades women. We behave as clean and proper bodies.
see in the advertisement that on a college campus, a
menstruating girlseeks asanitary napkin from her female CONCLUSION
friend with lots of hesitation, simply saying "Have you
Television commercials inboth Australia and Bangladesh
one?" This hesitation signifies the unspeakable leakiness
illustrate images of femininity such as mothering; the
and messiness of the female body, which symbolises
beautiful bodies of young women; sexuality; the ideal
disorder. She does not mention the name ofthe product.
housewife; and women's compassion feature strongly in
Her friend provides one Senora sanitary napkin. The
Australian and Bangladeshi commercials. Sometim
jingle text expresses "whisper, otherwise everybody will
female models' body, eyes, hair or lips are used "part
know it':The need towhisper connotes cultural shame, a
MEDIA ASIA,VOL38NO4,2011
parcel" so that women appear as fragmented objects. is necessary to produce the subject" (Butler, 2005, p.
Using both Mulvey's and Berger's theories, it has been 497). Foucault claims that the subject's act is"to expose
shown that women function as objects to be looked at. a body totally imprinted by history" (Foucault, 1977,
An interesting feature inthis regard isthat even animals in Butler, 2005, pp. 496-497). In accordance with the
can take up the position of male gaze. above theoretical points, itisclear that inboth countries'
Some advertisements suggest that patriarchal advertisements, the female body performs roles that are
domination islinked to the fear of castration, posed by historically and culturally already established in these
the female, so that women are positioned as secondary. societies.
Patriarchy produces and reproduces images of women This paper hasshown that the media donot invent new
in ways, which serve men's interests, that is, as "the images ofwomen, but circulates images that already exist
good mother" "good housewife" or as sexual objects. It ascultural forms. However, the study also shows that the
issuggested that patriarchy plays akey role inproducing media giveanimage oricon (likethe myth ofsuperwomen
stereotypical images offemininities inboth Australia and of the day) in front of audiences for their approval. So,
Bangladesh. advertising both produces and reproduces images.
The study investigates some code of ethics and laws In terms of participation, it seems that women
enacted to regulate representations ofsexism and racism dominate the commercial sector. However, in both
in Australian and Bangladeshi commercials. According countries, their position is peripheral, passive and
to the Australian Association of National Advertisers negative in television advertising only because of the
(AANA), the code of ethics states that "Advertisements representation. Women are objects, packaged for
shall not portray people ordepict material inawaywhich the pleasure of patriarchy, or bodies of pollution and
discriminates against or vilifies a person or section of subjection. Overall, itcanbeconcluded that commercials
the community on account ofrace, ethnicity, nationality, inAustralia and Bangladesh demonstrate orreflect male
sex,age,sexual preference, religion, disability orpolitical dominance over female.
belief" (AANA, 2006, p. 1).
Bangladesh regulates advertisements through the NOTES
legal framework. Law for banning obscene content
in advertisements was enacted in 1963 (Act no.12) 1. Urboshi or Urvasi isthe name of an apsaras or
for printing media (Mass Line media centre, pp. heavenly nymph referred to in RgYedda Y.41,19.
33-35). After 1986, the authority of the ational (Hindu Myth) (Stutley & Margaret, 1977, p. 313).
Broadcasting Authority ( BA) regulates the standards 2. As Germaine Greer writes that "Women with 'too
for advertisements (Mazumder, 2005, p. 1). much' (i.e.any) body hair are expected to struggle
The draft of Bangladesh Broadcasting Act 2003, daily with depilatories of allkinds in order to
provides all rules and regulations for programmes appear hairless" (Greer, 1999, p.20).
and advertisements of broadcast services, including
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