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Wisconsin public opinion of foreign policy, 1935–1940 PDF

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Preview Wisconsin public opinion of foreign policy, 1935–1940

This thesis, having been approved by the special Faculty Committee, is accepted by the Graduate School of the University of Wyoming, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MMieEL.of__Arls____ _______ Dean of the Graduate School. Date—ARSR§^-12^.195o.. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. V7130 OHS IK PUBLIC DPI HI OK OF FOREIan POLICY 1935 - 1940 by T orlief S. Holmes A Thesis Submitted to the Committee on In tern atio n al A ffairs and to the Graduate School of the U niversity of Wyoming in P a rtia l Fulfillm ent of Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts U niversity of Wyoming Laramie, Wyoming August, 1950 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. UMI Number: EP24143 INFORMATION TO USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleed-through, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. ® UMI UMI Microform EP24143 Copyright 2007 by ProQuest Information and Learning Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest Information and Learning Company 300 North Zeeb Road P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE I. 1935 - NATIONAL ISOLATIONISM................................................... 1 II. 1936 - CONTINUED NATIONAL ISOLATIONISM................................19 III. 1937 - SYMPATHETIC NEUTRALITY.........................................................25 IV. 1938 - FROM NEUTRALITY'TO COLLECTIVE SECURITY . . . 37 V. 1939 - CASH AMD CARRY NEUTRALITY ................................47 VI. 1940 - NEUTRALITY BACKED BY PREPAREDNESS...........................61 BIBLIOGRAPHY........................................ 73 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER I 1935 - NATIONAL ISOLATIONISM In 1935-36 the fir s t roots of the world crises, now known to h istorian s as fo rla far II, were popping up above the surface in a dozen widely separated places* Japan cele­ brated the end of 1934 denouncing the Washington Naval Treaty of 1922, In Germany and R ussia, a series of m ystifying purges were proceeding m errily. Prance and Ita ly signed an agreement se ttlin g colon ial claim s in A frica, including control of th# Ethiopian railroad, and the "incidents" along the Abyssinian border m ultiplied. The people of the Saar Territory voted overwhelmingly to be returned to the Reich and the Jews, lib er­ a ls and the French hurriedly moved out of the Basin, Troops moved from Italy to North A frica but II Duce had nothing to say regarding h is designs on H aile S ela ssie's Empire, A noisy lit t le revolution began in Greece. Germany restored universal m ilitary training and Great B ritain sent a u seless note of p rotest. At the Stresa Conference, the em issaries of B ritain, France and Italy agreed to oppose "any u n ilateral repudiation of trea ties which might endanger the peace of Europe"— and in le ss than six months Italy Invaded Ethiopia and started a large scale war*1 Thus, the stage is set for 1 Francis S ill Wlckware, "What We Think About Foreign A ffairs," Harpers Magazine, 179:398, September, 1939. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. our story. How aid the American public react to th is chain of explosive events? In p articular, how did the people of W isconsin react? In the autumn of 1935, the American public had its fir s t opportunity in history to give a direct expression of opinion about many things v ita lly affectin g the individual and col­ lectiv e w elfare of a ll c itiz en s. The attitu d e of the citizen on the subjects of social unrest, poverty, debt and unem- ployment at home, and the menacing thunder of marching armies abroad, could now be gauged by the American In stitu te of Public Opinion which began regular publication of p o lls after a long period of experim entation with technic. America's place in a world of chaos was mulled over and argued about wherever Americans exchanged ideas. No longer were happen­ ings on other continents d istant and remote. As troops mobi­ liz e d and d ictators conferred, radio sh rilled the news to the m etropolis and hinterland. Swift clippers brought photo­ graphs from foreign cap itals and b a ttle field s in forty-eigh t hours. Newspapers and magazines featured the sto ries. In every part of the country, men and women talked about how to keep the United States out of the war and about what the United States should do if i t was plunged in to war. P racti­ ca lly every American handed down a "back-porch opinion” on the chaos that confronted c iv iliz a tio n . It is th is voice ^ b ld ., p. 397 ^Richard L. Neuberger, "What the Home Polks Say About Events Abroad," Harpers Magazine, 179:407, September, 1939. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 5 th at I am try in g to recapture and evaluate. Was Wisconsin the "home of isolationism " as so many people believed? Did the opinions of* citizens of Wisconsin and the Mid-West d iffe r greatly from those of the nation as a whole? A careful analy­ sis of the public opinion p o lls, the newspaper and magazine ed ito ria ls, the addresses of public figures, e tc ., may give the answer to th is. E ditorials in several leading Mid-Western newspapers of the period give us the Wisconsin attitu d e toward the dangers of joining the League of Nations and the World Court and thereby projecting ourselves into the European p ictu re . American sentiment reco ils in horror from the thought of war. The days of 1914-1918 come back in a l l th e ir b rutal vividness. I t is the avowed desire of th is nation to main­ ta in n e u tra lity . The point to be kept in mind if war in­ volves a great part of Europe, is that it is not our fig h t, and that our concern is to mind our own business.^ In spite of eleventh hour concessions from the adminis­ tra tio n and d irect pressure from the White House, the Senate defeated the protocol for American adherence to the World Court. I t is, we must believe, a court which we are the b e tte r for staying out o f at least u n til Europe gives some sign of a broader outlook on world a ffa irs than has as yet been evidenced by the nation, or in the League. The World Court and The League have proven themselves unable to hold back aggressive nations, or to give ju stice and fa ir play to the weak. What business have we with i t , therefore? Shall we bind ourselves to support the strong against; the weak, take on an obligation to enforce a treaty which we re ­ fused to sign when i t was drafted, even before the worst of i t s consequences were plainly visible? I t is our hope and prayer that when another European war comes, we may stay clear. Repudiation of the World Court helps us to stay 4 E d itorial in the Eau Claire Leader, October 15, 1935. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 4 clear a lto g e th e r for the incident which may p recip itate the fa ta l collison, may as well as anything else, be some p o litic a l judgment of the World Court which we as signa­ to rie s, would have been bound to enforce.-5 I t is evident here th at th is Wisconsin editor does not place any fa ith in the League or World Court as an instrument to preserve peace. Rather, he sees i t as a means to entangle the United States in the web of European in trig u es and dis­ putes. We can almost hear h is sigh of re lie f as he reports the defeat of the measures which would assure our adherence to these two bodies. The World Court was not a p artisan proposal. I t has been advocated by every president since the war, and is as much republican as democratic in i t s support. I t is, in fa c t, a measure outside of and above p artisan sh in , as every measure dealing with foreign re la tio n s is and ought to be. Senators ought not to be bound by party lin es on such issues, and the best of them never are. What the vote indicates is that the Senate has heard from the people back home, who have seen in recent trends in Europe a fa ir warning that more trouble is brewing on the Continent, and hope to stay clear. We might as well look fa.cts in the face, ho m atter what idealism lay behind the origination of the World Court, that idealism w ill have no free play in a world so fraught by hates and b ru ta lity as now ex ists. With no m atter what reservations, American p artic ip atio n in the World Court now would more or less commit us, morally, to taking sides in the European disputes. In a fa ire r world, we should be recreant to our ideals to sesert an honest effo rt to bring about a world rule of law, but In a world in which law its e lf is wrested to the advantage of the strong over the weak, we had b etter stas?- clear, g it is a good thing that the World Court has been beaten. E d ito rial in the LaCrosse Tribune, January 30, 1935. 6 E d itorial in the LaCrosse Tribune, February 1, 1935. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 5 It seems therefore, if these e d ito ria ls re fle c t the opinions of the W isconsin voter, the League and World Court had few supporters there. The danger of involvement in European p o litic s was a very real danger to him. The League and the World Court would bring him face to face with th is danger. Repudiation of both of these in stitu tio n s was, he f e lt, one way of keeping out of European troubles. I t is of in te re st to note that a L iterary Diffest p o ll of some sixty ■ - - - -k- — '--f .I,, , I - c colleges found that some f if ty per cent of the voters favored joining the League and World Court as a means of keeping world peace. Included in th is group was the U niversity of *7 Wisconsin. However, a G-allup P oll of the following year found that the opinions held by the students of these colleges did not coincide with those of the average citizen . Only thirty-seven per cent had any fa ith in preserving peace by « th is means. Thus, the W isconsin opinion, if tru ly expressed by the •preceding ed ito ria ls, would seem to go along with the Gallup P oll in opposition to the League of Nations and the World Court. Another of the issues of the year 1935 whichp rovided much ammunition for editors and p o liticia n s alike were the closely a llie d plans for "universal conscription'* and "government control of munitions". 'Conscript a ll resources ? L iterary Digest Magazine, 119:6, February 2, 1935. 8 Wickware, op. c l t ., p. 404. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

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