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Wind, Life, Health: Anthropological and Historical Perspectives PDF

184 Pages·2007·4.693 MB·English
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Preface This publication stems from an eponymous conference held at Oxford University in June 2005. The editors can claim to have met at a drinking hostelry on St Giles to discuss informally topics of interest whence the initial spark was born and momen- tum instigated for a wind conference.With particular backgrounds in the medical his- torical anthropology of southern African Khoisan and the anthropology/history of Chinese medicine,we were intrigued in our discussion ofwind not only by the diver- sity and richness but also the fundamental congruency in the way wind has been per- ceived by peoples in different parts of the world. Wind is a theme central to the thinking ofpeoples in both contemporary and ancient cultures.The value ofdiscussing wind lies in what it brings not only,on a theoretical level,to elucidating human rela- tionships with one of the planet’s basic aspects of life but also to exploration of how the materiality ofwind shapes social practice at a number offundamental levels.The particular sensorial relationship we have with wind has persistently led to embedding our experience of the meteorological phenomenon, and of respiration, in a web of associations concerning life and death and the cosmos at large. The volume examines the richness of human ideas and practices surrounding wind,breath,spirit,sentiment,life,and health by seriously exploring the primordial human experience ofbeing immersed in the winds in the environment and breathing them in.It seeks to balance detailed ethnography with theoretical insight and deliber- ately takes a broad approach to broach the subject from different disciplinary per- spectives. The papers engage with a wide range of themes, including landscape, weather, body, perception, emplacement, climate, seasons, song, and music. They concern hunters and gatherers in the polar region, the Malaysian rainforest, the Andaman Islands,and the deserts of southern Africa,as well as stratified societies of Muslim East Africa,ancient and medieval India,China,and Greece,and historical and modern Europe, namely the Victorian English and mountain-dwelling Swiss. Each author brings out specific ways in which different peoples,physically and conceptu- ally,have grappled with winds and spirits,their smells and sounds,the way they feel and sentiments they bring about,and how these are linked to ways ofknowing about the world and being in the world.Two regrettable exceptions from the volume concern the potential contributions by Jim McNeley on Navajo wind and Carol Laderman on the inner winds amongst the Temiar,but echoes oftheir generous participation at the conference can be felt throughout. Journal ofthe Royal Anthropological Institute (N.S.),Siii-Siv © Royal Anthropological Institute 2007 Siv Preface We are grateful for the support received from the British Academy,the Institute of Social and Cultural Anthropology,the Wellcome Unit for the History ofMedicine,and the staff and facilities of the Osler-McGovern Centre,Green College. Elisabeth Hsu & Chris Low Editors December 2006 Journal ofthe Royal Anthropological Institute (N.S.),Siii-Siv © Royal Anthropological Institute 2007 Introduction Chris Low & Elisabeth Hsu University of Oxford Theintroductioncontextualizesthehistorical,ethnographic,andtheoreticalaccountsofwindinthe followingpapers,allofwhichdealwithhowwindthe‘natural’phenomenonrelatestohumanlifeand culture.Itdrawsattentiontothediversityofrelationshipswithwindwhilstalsoaddressingwhyitis thatsimilarpatternsofideassurroundingwindexistacrosscultures.Itexploresthenotionthat human/windrelationshipsaretightlyboundtothesensuousqualitiesofwind,whichinturnreflect theembeddedunfoldingofhumanlifeasanaspectofenvironment,anddrawingonphenomenology asaparticularlyappositehermeneuticapproachtounderstandingtherelationship. Wind, on first consideration, may be thought of as a ‘natural phenomenon’:‘air in motion’. Our different words for wind, including breezes, wafts, squalls, whirlwinds, hurricanes,andcyclones,tellussomethingabouttheorigins,scale,andimplicationsof thephenomenon.Cyclicallyorerraticallywindsappearanddissipateacrosstheland- scapeasoneoftheprimordialrhythmsofunfoldinglifeandpartofthebackdropoflife intheopen.Yetwindisalsoexperiencedindoors,intheformof‘drafts’and‘currents of air’, and if it is not reduced to a phenomenon of modern meteorology and the naturalsciences,windcanalsobethoughttomanifestinbreathingandintheinternal body winds that circulate in veins or appear in the form of sneezes and coughs. Or windscanbedeitiesandspirits. Wind takes on different guises when it works its way into different aspects of people’slives.Itbecomesapowerwhenthesailorhoistshissail,afriendwhenitcools anoverheatingbody,anenemywhentherhinocerosthatyoudidnotsee,justbehind thebush,picksupyourscentinacapriciousflirtof thebreeze.Itbecomesanillness from a bitter relative or an offended ancestor.The English phrases‘winds of change’, ‘windsofwar’,‘togetwindofsomething’,‘throwittothewind’,or‘threesheetstothe wind’allpointtodifferentrelationshipswithwind.Thedifferentwaysinwhichwinds interactwithpeoplelendthemdifferentidentities. In this volume,we begin with the ubiquitous external‘wind’phenomenon,which moreoftenthannotislinkedtotheinternalexperienceof‘breathing’,andexplorethe enormously rich range of ideas about wind and ways of being in wind, negotiating JournaloftheRoyalAnthropologicalInstitute(N.S.),S1-S17 ©RoyalAnthropologicalInstitute2007 S2 Chris Low & Elisabeth Hsu with,controllingand‘binding’,inhalingandexpulsingthewinds.Thevolumediscusses bothmeteorologicalwindsandembodiedexperiencesofwindinsocialandhistorical context,bydrawingoutlocalnuancesofunderstanding.Itpresentsadetailedstudyof intimaterelationshipswithwindwhichholdthelife-givingsensualphenomenonina profound relationship with ways of conceptualizing life and death, sickness and healing. Considerationofwindforcesareturntothebigquestionsoflifethathaveoccupied philosopherssincetheearliestdocumentedrecords.Windcouldarguablybeusedasa conceptualtooltoinformafundamentalsetofcoredichotomies,oftenperceivedasa legacy of Greek thought, through which the conundrum of life continues to be explored:beingandbecoming,realityandappearance,subjectandobject,natureand culture,mindandbody.Thispotentialcapacityofwindstemsfromitbeingrecruited acrossculturesasawayofthinkingaboutahostofphenomenathatdefinefundamen- talaspectsofthephysicalandspiritualworld.Windisbothfeltandtangible,andthus physicalandelusive,asisthespiritual.Itcomesasnosurprise,therefore,thatideasof wind persistently overlap with notions of spirit, divinity, breath, smell, and shadow. These concepts work together in a family of resemblances to inform ontology and epistemology. Windenvelopspeoplewithintheirenvironmentandbreathingisthebasisoflife.In thisvolume,whichtakesthosefundamentalexperiencesof‘nature’asastartingpoint for discussing their resurfacing in core concepts of ‘culture’, we provide a further anthropological critique of the nature-culture dichotomy that has long entrenched Westernthought.Atitsheartistheidentificationof,andmeaningattributedto,wind as it moves between nature and culture, body and mind.While building on Ingold, Descola,Ellen,andRival,whosincethe1990shaveprovidedasociologicalreformula- tionofnaturethatdirectlychallengesthenature-culturedualism(Franklin2002),this volume’s interrogation of how wind moves between the domains of the perceptual, symbolic, and metaphorical owes, furthermore, a particular intellectual debt to the phenomenologyof perceptionandtheanthropologyof thesenses. The strength of the ethnographic accounts in our endeavour lies in exploring, in vivid sensual terms, how wind, the environmental phenomenon, becomes socialized through practice and belief. The papers begin with Ingold’s analysis of wind, which takesuphisthemeof‘dwelling’,thatis,therecursiverelationshipbetweenpeopleand landscape laid out in earlier works (e.g.Ingold 1993; 2000),and explores wind as an aspect of landscape.Parkin,Roseman,Pandya,and Low similarly develop themes of howwind,asanaspectofthesensualexperienceofbeinginacertainplacewithcertain sortsofwinds,atacertaintime,informssocialpractice.Thesepaperspostulate,inthe veinof Rival(1993;1996),thatperceptualknowledgeof thelandscapeaffectscultural choices,ideas,andpractices. Another theme intrinsic to all papers in this volume,which is not explicitly dealt withinanysingleone,concernstheapparentcross-culturalsimilarityof windideas. Thematic clusters can be observed in the above-mentioned ethnographic papers, in thoseonancientandmedievalIndia,China,andGreecebyZysk,Hsu,andLloyd,and those on modern Europe by Jankovic and Strauss.The question that these apparent similaritiesposeconcerns,ultimately,issuesof biologicalparityinpeople’sparticipa- tionintheenvironment,andhowthisfeedsintoabiologicallymediatedsetofsimilar ideas. Ellen (1996) pushed for an underlying ‘cognitive geometry’ that allows some realistcrossoverbetweendifferentculturalconceptionsofnature.Descola(1992;1996), JournaloftheRoyalAnthropologicalInstitute(N.S.),S1-S17 ©RoyalAnthropologicalInstitute2007 Chris Low & Elisabeth Hsu S3 who works with totemism and animism as two principal agents in his discussion of howpeopleconstructcontinuitybetweenthenaturalandthecultural,acknowledged the existence of cognitive universals but emphasized that these fuzzy templates or patterns are heavily mediated by the local environment and the types of practices throughwhichtheenvironmentissocialized.However,asevidentfromtherecurrent themesofwindinthisvolume,whichresurfaceindisparateliterateandoral,contem- poraryandancientsettings,thequestionisperhapsbestansweredwithlessgeometry andmoreallowancesforambiguity. Althoughethnographywouldappearbettersuitedtobringingoutthecontribution of the personal to societal ideas of wind, individual voices necessarily underpin the distillationsofhistory,asisevidentfromthecontributionsbyLloyd,Hsu,Jankovic,and Zysk.Whenthetextualsourcesarereturnedto,thecleanhistoricalgeneralizationsthat havefedWesternpopularimaginationsoonbreakdowninthefaceofrealdiscrepancies and inconsistencies, both within the work of one author and across authors. Such inconsistency is generally not associated with received textual knowledge, but as the authors in this volume show, who all are attending to primary source material, it is intrinsicnotonlytooralbutalsotoliteratetransmission;thetextsinquestioncontain as much contradiction, ambivalence, and flexibility of knowledge as anthropologists have identified in contemporary settings. Regardless of previous orality-literacy debates,these studies demonstrate how wind as an overarching term holds different waysofbeingknownthatcanbecalleduponindifferentcontexts,makingknowledge of windseemvariable,preciseandimpreciseatthesametime. Whilst taking a broad historical and ethnographic approach, it is hoped that this comparative exercise, with its focus on the phenomenology of wind, goes further towards a profound understanding of the relationship between the natural- turned-culturalphenomenonofwindanditsroleinthefoundationoflife.Questions posed include: who experiences wind, and how? What is the relationship of outside windtoinsidewind?Whohasaninterestinwindandincontrollingandbindingthe winds – doctors,priests,farmers,or ascetics – and why?What are the ways in which suchbindingisconceptualizedandoperated?Thiscollectionof essaysseekstofinda meaningfulwayof talkingabouthuman/windrelationshipsmorebroadly. Theexperienceofwind Windasbreathoflifereflectsabasicdailyexperienceasmuchasamythologicaltruth. Breathinggeneratesandensuresthecontinuationoflife,andthishasconsistentlybeen taken as evidence of divine presence, or the gift of life, by all manner of cultures, including our own.Wind touches and is felt,inside out.While there is considerable variationintheexperienceandtheexpressionofwindideasasaconcept,itishardnot tobestruckbytheremarkablecongruenceinrelationshipsunderstoodtoexistbetween wind,breath,andvariouslyframednotionsoflife-force.Equallyremarkableistheway suchthemesrevealthemselvesatworkinwebsof differentsortsof culturalcontexts. TheNavajo,forexample,perceivelifetohaveemergedfromtwowindsinthelower worlds,awhitewindandadarkbluewind,whichexistedinEarth’sveinsorroots.Male white wind lay on top of female dark wind, intermingled in the manner of sexual intercourse,andtherebygeneratedEarth,Sky,andtheplants,animalsandpeoplesof thelowerworld.Thetwowindsgavetheseformsthebreathof lifeandthepowersof behaviourandthought.Atalaterperiodthesemanifestationsoflifemoveduptothe JournaloftheRoyalAnthropologicalInstitute(N.S.),S1-S17 ©RoyalAnthropologicalInstitute2007 S4 Chris Low & Elisabeth Hsu earth’s surface accompanied by the winds. These winds were placed in the east and south,andthetwofurthercardinalwindswereplacedalongsidethem(J.K.McNeley, pers.comm.,June2005). Cross-culturally, considerations of wind very quickly lead to overlapping ideas of breath,spirit,smell,song,sentimentandshadow.Whilstthiswebof relationsmayat firstappearunfamiliartocontemporaryWesternintellectualtraditions,similarwaysof thinking have a long pedigree in Western thought and continue to operate in more everyday contexts of living in wind. In ancient Greece, Aristotle thought that life- engendering‘vital heat’was present in all pneuma (Lloyd,this volume).Through the early modern period and into the present, different theories of ‘vitalism’ or ‘vital principle’ have persistently associated breath and life-force. Moreover, the Western Christiantheologicaltraditionhasprovidedanongoingarenainwhichnotionsofwind arearticulatedinadistinctlyun-meteorologicalmanner.IntheBiblethewordruachhas beentranslatedvariouslyasair,breath,wind,divinepower,andHolySpirit.InGenesis wefind:‘ThentheLordGodformedmanofdustfromtheground,andbreathedintohis nostrilsthebreathoflife,andmanbecamealivingbeing’(Genesis2:7);inJob‘theSpirit of God has made me,the breath of the Almighty gives me life’(Job 33:4); and from Ezekiel(37)welearnthathumanbonesbecomealiveasthefourwindsblowonthem. Inadditiontolinksmadebetweenwind,breath,andlife-forcebyancientscienceand theology, as Jankovic identifies in nineteenth-century Britain, there has long been a parallel thrust from more mainstream corners of science, medical topography, and geography. These various research contexts have looked more towards measurable physicalandmentaleffectsofwindonpeople.Strauss,whocombinesanthropological, literary,andscientificdatatoexploretherelationshipbetweentheinhabitantsofalpine Leukerbad and the Foehn, demonstrates how a folk idiom and knowledge of wind continuetointeractwithmoderncontextsofscientificanalysis.TheFoehnisadown- slopekatabaticwind,liketheChinookorSantAna.Theyallarehotandstrong,and known to cause strange behaviour, migraines, and even fits of madness, and are a determinantof livingpatternsandof regionalidentity. Thatwindaffectsfeelingshighlightsthefactthatwindpenetratesthebodyatboth a physical and a mental level. The ecological psychologist James Gibson, who had observed that air is insubstantial and proposed that life or activity takes place at its boundaries or points of interaction with objects, ascribed wind as medium and its manifestationsastheresultofcontactwithsubstance.Hisapproachusefullydrawsour attentiontowhatwinddoesatamacrolevelandwhereandhowthismightrelateto biological and evolutionary development. His emphasis of surfaces is important in relation to how wind contact shapes the gross physical environment, such as sand dunes,mountains,orwind-beatenhedgerows.Itisalsoatthislevelthatwindfeedsinto humantechnologicalandeconomicrelationshipsthrough,forexample,sailingshipsor building designs. Additionally, Gibson’s exploration has some particularly useful insights into how animals relate to wind as the holder of tracks of smell, light, and sound (Gibson 1979: 17). Informative as his approach is, however, he does not seem adequatelytotakeintoaccountthepenetrationof wind. Inthisvolume,Ingoldengageswithfeelingsinhiscontestationof Gibson’spolar- ization of wind and substance. He envisages that people ‘mingle’ with ‘wind, rain, sunshineandearth’.Life,hesuggests,islivedinazoneinwhichsubstanceandmedium are brought together. As he forefronts issues of ‘immersion’ and the‘environmental relationship’, feelings emerge as a consciousness of connection and interaction. This JournaloftheRoyalAnthropologicalInstitute(N.S.),S1-S17 ©RoyalAnthropologicalInstitute2007 Chris Low & Elisabeth Hsu S5 conflationofmentalandbodilyprocesses,andtheconsolidationofhumanswithinthe world, reflects life-views of many indigenous peoples. In very different intellectual contexts,notentirelyunrelatedlinkshavesimilarlybeenmadebytwopillarsof New Age philosophy Joseph Campbell (1991: 18),the comparative mythologist,and James Lovelock(1979),theatmosphericgeochemist.Weliveinadynamicrelationshipwith oursurroundings,andtheexperienceofwindlendsitselfwelltoaccountingforsubtle atmosphericchange,regardlessof whetheritisseasonal,climatic,oremotionallyfelt. With Ingold in mind, feelings can usefully be thought of as evidence and means of participation. From a loosely conceived co-evolutionary perspective,what seems emergent from this research is an acknowledgement that the receptivity to nature evident amongst many indigenous peoples is tied to what Bird-David (1990) termed the‘giving envi- ronment’.Withinsuchworldviewstheworldrevealsitself inaregularmanner.Events that happen together or phenomena that are experienced in a like manner are con- nected and likely to recur in a similar pattern as the world continues to unfold, regenerate,and provide.A particular example of how such attention to the environ- mentmightrelatetowindistheobservationthattheinhabitantsaroundLakeTiticaca, inPeru,connectthecoloursof thelaketothestrengthof thewind(Orlove2002:35, 144-5).Afurtherimpressiveawarenessofsuchconnectionsisalsoevidentintheability of Polynesian navigators to read ocean swells as indicators of the direction of and distance from land (Lewis 1973). Through a skilful reading of this patterned and revealingenvironment,humansareenabledtomakepredictionsandactinwaysthat arebeneficialtosurvival. In his study of nomadic spirituality, Berman (2000) observed that when many NativeAmericansrefertotheGreatSpirit,theyaretalkingaboutwind.Henotesthat spiritrefers,inthissense,tothecreationitself:‘Watercomingoffaleaf,thesmellofthe forestafterrain,thewarmbloodofadeer’(Berman2000:11).Hisobservationislinked tothewider-heldtiesbetweenwindandbreathaslife-creator,buttheNativeAmerican beliefsclearlytaketheunderstandingfurther.Whatseemstobereferredtoisanotion ofauniversalflowingforcethatisparticularlyevidentinthediscerniblepatternsoflife, although it is thought to be at work in all things.Historically,such beliefs have been referredtoas‘animism’.Ingold(thisvolume)shedssomelightonwhatthisanimistic labelactuallydealswithinhisassessmentthatwhatdistinguishesso-called‘animists’is their receptivity to life and their awareness of living within a current of continual generation.Hisrecognitionoftheimportanceofsuchawarenessconfirmsfindingsof other anthropologists, from Paul Radin and Robin Riddington working amongst NativeAmericanstoGeorgeSilberbaueramongstsouthernAfricanBushmen. Whenanawarenessthatalllifebydefinitionhasthebreathorwindoflifewithinit is combined with this notion of connection, it becomes possible to conceive of life being underpinned by wind relationships, in which each phenomenon possesses its ownwindwhilstpartakinginthegeneralordivinewind.Inmanyindigenousperspec- tives wind and breath stand for both the medium of connection and the marker of powerandidentity.Whileexperiencedasweavingabindingpatternthroughlife,wind has an undeniably felt presence,and perhaps it is such a relationship between divine breath and materialized breath that holds wind, breath, and spirit in such a tight conceptual overlap. In this sense humans may stage themselves as participating in divinebreath,thesamebutlesspowerful.Windandbreathprovideboththetriggering sparkandthematerialitythatmakepossiblethisprocess. JournaloftheRoyalAnthropologicalInstitute(N.S.),S1-S17 ©RoyalAnthropologicalInstitute2007

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Most books are stored in the elastic cloud where traffic is expensive. For this reason, we have a limit on daily download.