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MICHAEL HAAS Why Democracies Flounder AND Fail REMEDYING MASS SOCIETY POLITICS Why Democracies Flounder and Fail Michael Haas Why Democracies Flounder and Fail Remedying Mass Society Politics Michael Haas Los Angeles, CA, USA ISBN 978-3-319-74069-0 ISBN 978-3-319-74070-6 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-74070-6 Library of Congress Control Number: 2018936618 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2019 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. Cover image © Lanmas / Alamy Stock Photo Cover design by Thomas Howey Printed on acid-free paper This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer International Publishing AG part of Springer Nature. The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland Dedicated to the memory of democratic theorist Robert A. Dahl (1915–2014) P reface Democracies are in trouble today. The British vote to break away from the European Union in 2016 pitted an establishment of duly elected public officials against a hitherto unrecognized set of opponents, yet the oppo- nents won because voters felt that their problems had been ignored by the power structure. That same year, within the United States, non-Democrat Bernie Sanders was almost nominated by the Democratic Party for presi- dent while calling for some kind of “revolution,” and non-Republican Donald Trump was nominated by the Republican Party for president, often assailing the party’s establishment as being out of touch with the people. Both Sanders and Trump offered solutions to problems that were very divisive—economic in the case of Sanders, and sociocultural for Trump. Then, after denying basic facts and making outlandish promises that were sometimes muddied or reversed, Trump was elected president. Elsewhere, and in different eras, democracies have floundered, sometimes with dangerous consequences, including revolutions and wars. Now at least one key democracy seems on the brink, and others around the world seem in danger of failure. Democracies are difficult to sustain but are ordinarily managed well because elites and the masses enjoy the benefits and do not want to lapse into anarchy or dictatorship. However, the fundamental principles of democracy, especially the warning signs of imminent collapse or societal disaster, are only vaguely understood. Accordingly, the book advances democratic theory by explicating the Mass Society Paradigm. I use the word “flounder” to capture the essence of the stage of demo- cratic crisis before failure—an image of fish on land struggling to stay alive vii viii PREFACE by making awkward movements. The word has an origin in several Northern European languages and means blundering, stumbling about clumsily and even helplessly, making mistakes, faltering, wavering—and muddling through badly, to use Charles Lindblom’s (1959) term. I offer the term to describe when democracies are on the verge of collapse. Insofar as democracies make decisions and build institutions for the common good, they should be supported. But sometimes democracies let the people down because officeholders only pretend to represent them. The result can be the failure of democracy—replacement by a more authoritarian form of government or anarchy. My interest in the subject arose during the chaos of the McCarthy period of the 1950s and later in courses taught by Robert Dahl and Robert Lane at Yale. I was then inspired to begin research on the collapse of the French Fourth Republic, as presented herein, as well as on governments of indigenous peoples from Yale’s Human Relations Area Files (Haas 2014c:ch6). My dissertation at Stanford, later condensed into a chapter in a book edited by Dave Singer (Haas 1968), was about what was later called “diversionary theory,” a component of what I now call the Mass Society Paradigm. When I accepted a teaching position at the University of Hawai’i, I was amazed to learn, to my increasing satisfaction, how government in the Aloha State gradually became a paragon of warm responsiveness to the wishes of the people. That experience prompted How to Demolish Racism: Lessons from the State of Hawai’i (2016) and inspired the present volume. I consider the multiracial communitarian politics of the Aloha State as a model for the world, though oddly few people elsewhere seem interested in the lessons to be learned from that society. During a summer spent in Singapore in 1987 studying Asian regional cooperation on a Fulbright research grant, I was stunned to see on televi- sion Singapore government officials accusing Catholic humanitarian vol- unteers of being aligned with a Marxist plot to overthrow the government—a replay of the McCarthy era. That lay Catholics seeking to protect Filipina homeworkers from being raped by their Singaporean employers were seeking to overthrow the government seemed incredu- lously far fetched. Several years later I edited The Singapore Puzzle to bring out the truth about the country’s totalitarianism (1999, 2014d). Bureaucratized nonresponsiveness from the governments of the City of Los Angeles and the state of California came into view after I retired from the University of Hawai’i to regain residence in what had been my home PREFAC E ix town while I was a teenager after my parents moved from Detroit while I was 12. After my experience in the Aloha State, I realized that evidence of the operation of the Mass Society Paradigm was responsible for much of my disappointment. Although readers may imagine that the election of Donald Trump as president of the United States stimulated me to write the present book, that is not the case. The proposal was written beforehand. Perhaps the publisher was motivated by Trump’s election, as the contract appeared after election day 2016. The first glimmer of the book came when I was writing Mr. Calm and Effective: Evaluating the Presidency of President Barack Obama (2012b), which relates how Republicans in Congress decided to block the presi- dency of Barack Obama for partisan reasons even when there was general agreement among moderates of both political parties on measures in the national interest. One obvious partisan reason is simply that the Republican Party was facing an uncertain future, as the demographics of the country suggest that Caucasians some day will become one of several nonmajority groups in the United States. Republicans were more interested in political survival than in compromise or diversity for the good of the country. While writing chapters on the Mass Society Paradigm for my books International Relations Theory (2017) and Political Science Revitalized (2017), the election drama of Hillary Clinton, Bernie Sanders, Donald Trump, and other presidential candidates stimulated me to contextualize what has gone wrong in the American political system, similar to other cases, within the framework of the Mass Society Paradigm. In contrast, most researchers have focused on specific problems of democracy without seeing the need to offer a larger picture. Because international studies and political science today lack paradigmatic visions, I decided that the present volume would focus on one paradigm in depth, proving that the Mass Society Paradigm applies at several levels of analysis, one of the essential requirements for a paradigm. I therefore integrate many pieces of research, including some of my own, so that the floundering of democracy can be better understood. Democracies may then learn how to respond to warning signs before fail- ure results. Figure 2.1 is reproduced from Figure 5.2 on page 64 of Institutional Relations Theory: Competing Empirical Paradigms and Figure 7.1 on page 125 of Political Science Revitalized: Filling the Jigsaw Puzzle with Metatheory, both with the kind permission of Lexington Books, a division of Rowman & Littlefield. Figure 3.1, although first x PREFACE published in the French version of Political Parties: Their Organization and Activity in the Modern State by Maurice Duverger in 1938, has been translated and republished by Methuen Publishing, a division of Routledge, which kindly allows my redrawn version. The book was originally pub- lished in French by Colin. In writing the present volume, I wish to acknowledge the assistance of Alan Abramowitz of Emory University, Harry Eckstein, Robert Gilsdorf of the University of Alberta, Ted Robert Gurr of the University of Maryland, Patrick James of the University of Southern California, Travis Johnson of the University of Massachusetts at Boston, my former University of Hawai’i colleague Yasumasa Kuroda, Los Angeles Times col- umnist David Lazarus, Duke University Professor Sally Nuamah, my spouse Vorathep Sitthitham, helpful librarians at the University of Southern California, and the staff at Palgrave Macmillan, especially Anca Pusca. Because I am primarily extending the democratic theory of my former teacher Robert Dahl, the book is dedicated to his memory. Los Angeles, CA, USA Michael Haas c ontents Part I Democracy and Mass Society 1 1 Democracy: Components and Types 5 2 Mass Society Paradigm 31 Part II Intensive Case Studies 67 3 Immobilism in the French Fourth Republic 69 4 Singapore’s Totalitarian Mass Society 99 5 Gridlock in Washington 139 6 Global Mass Society 229 Part III Implications 289 7 Remedies for the Perils of Mass Society 291 xi

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