Which Way Is Left? Theory, Politics, Organization and 21st-Century Socialism PDF
Preview Which Way Is Left? Theory, Politics, Organization and 21st-Century Socialism
W h i c h W a y I s L e f t ? Theory, Politics, Organization and 21st-Century Socialism Freedom Road Socialist Organization Organización Socialista del Camino para la Libertad (FRSO/OSCL) Which Way Is Left? Theory, Politics, Organization and 21st-Century Socialism “Studybecausewewillneedallyourintelligence. Agitatebecausewewillneedallyourenthusiasm. Organizebecausewewillneedallyourstrength.” —themottoofthefirstissueofL’OrdineNuovo, theItalianrevolutionaryLenewspaperorganized bycommunistleaderAntonioGramsciin1919 CoverartadaptedfromapaintingbyHarlemRenaissanceartist AaronDouglasentitledSpiritsRising. Introduction FreedomRoadSocialistOrganization/OrganizaciónSocialistadelCamino paralaLibertad(FRSO/OSCL)1writesthispaperasacontributiontothe developmenthereintheUSofasustained,massrevolutionaryLe,some- thingthatdoesnotyetexist.TofacilitatethediscussionwithintheLeand thebroaderprogressivemovement,thisdocumentincludesabriefhistorical summation,exploreslessonslearned,andmakesanassessmentofkeysocial forces.Allofthishashelpedtoinformourpoliticalanalysisanddeepenour ownunderstandingofthecurrentconditions.Inthespiritofrevolutionary unityanddialogue,FRSO/OSCLofferssomeinitialrecommendationsand thoughtsformovingforward. emammothdemandsofourtimeandcapitalism’srelentlessassaulton theworld’soppressedpeopleandtheearth’sresourcesmakethistaskurgent. Itisonlywithadecisivevictoryovercapitalismandthebeginningofa processofrevolutionarytransformationthatwecanpulltheEarthaway fromsocialandecologicalcollapse. Formorethan20years,FRSO/OSCLhasbeengrapplingwiththeabsence ofsuchamovement.Weinviteotherstocollaborateinthiseffort.Fromour discussions,drawingonmanysourcesbothinsideandoutsidethesocialist movement,wehaveconcludedthattheprospectsforfulldemocracyand working-classpowerandleadershipinthiscountryrequireare-examination andoverhaulofthetheory,program(practice)andorganizationalcompo- nentsofsocialismandrevolutionarymovementsastheyexisttoday.is process,whichwearecallingLeRefoundation,includesthetaskofbuilding arevolutionarypartyorpartiesforsocialism.Itwillrequirethecollective inputofnotonlythoseforceswhoalreadyseetheneedforadecisivevictory overcapitalism,butalsothetensofthousandsofworking-classandop- pressedpeopleswhoknowsomethingiswrong,butasyetdon’thaveaplace andmeanstoactualizetheirdreams. Whiletherearemanylessonstobelearnedfromsocialistprojectsofthe past,webelievethatwithaclearsummationofpreviousexperimentsandat- 1. FormoreinformationaboutFRSO/OSCL,gotowww.freedomroad.org Theory, Politics, Organization and 21st-Century Socialism 3 temptsatbuildinganewkindofsocietywecancreateasocialismforthe 21stcentury.Nothingshortofarevolutioncanaddresstheinequalityand environmentaldestructioncausedbythewhitesupremacistpatriarchalcapi- talistsystem.Associalistswecontinuetofightforaneconomic,socialand politicalsystemledbytheoppressedandtheworkingclass.Westandfora democraticandrevolutionaryvisionofsocialism,onethatisnotrepresented bythedevelopmentofanewrulingcliqueorexploitativeclassbutisrepre- sentedbytheactualempowermentoftheworkingclassandalloppressed people.Wedrawfromandupholdfeminism,environmentalism,queerand transgenderliberationandnationalliberationstrugglesathomeandabroad. Inthispaperwearechoosingtofocusmostlyontheorganizationalaspect ofrevolutionarychange:theneedfororganization(s)and,ultimately,aparty orpartiesoftherevolutionaryLe.Suchapartywouldnot,atthistimeor anytimeinthenearfuture,beanelectoralpartyinthetraditionalsense. Rather,weseesuchanorganizationasonethatbringstogethergrassroots leadersfromamongtheoppressed,leadersoutofexistingprogressivesocial movements.Itwouldnotonlyfightforthefinalgoaloftheendofcapitalism andtheestablishmentofsocialismbutwouldalsoengageinstrugglesforre- formwithincapitalism,whileplayingakeyroleineducatingitsbaseandal- liestotheneedforfundamentalsocialtransformation. eultimatecontouroftheparty—Isitanumbrellaofmultipleorganiza- tions?Oneunifiedorganizationwithdistincttendencies?Howwillaccount- abilityandfulldemocracybejoined?—shouldnotnecessarilybedetermined atthisstage.Itispartofalengthyprocess,onethatweforeseetakingyears. Yetourbasicconclusionisthatintheabsenceoforganizations,particularlya revolutionaryparty,itisunlikelythatwewilldefeatcapitalism.Asmany othermovementsandleadershaveconcluded,itisthedutyofrevolutionar- iestodevelopthetheoryandpracticethatwillresultinthecreationofsuch organizationsandaparty.Ifwedon’tstartputtingthisideaonthetable today,wewon’tbeinapositiontotakeadvantageofeventsthatpresent themselves.eKatrinaaermathandtherecentimmigrantrightsupsurge highlighttheconsequencesofnothavinganationalframeworkandorgani- zationthatcanrespondandarticulatealeperspective. Inourview(whichwewilldiscussatsomelength!),noneofthesocialist projectstodate—whethertheSovietexperience,Euro-communism,Maoism, Trotskyism,anarchism,orsocialdemocracy—havebeenabletocreateareal masssocialistpractice.Inthemindsofmostpeople,socialismhasbeendis- creditedandisnotseenasadesirablealternative,eventopeoplewhofeel thatcapitalismisbadforthemselvesandtheplanet.Sothequestionbe- comes,whatisthealternative?Withthispaperwehopetoopenthedoorto somethingnew,differentandextraordinarythatwilluniteusinstruggle;to somethingthatsparksdebateandquestioningofevensomebasic“Marxist” assumptions;tosomethingthatunifiesthehistoryofthesocialmovements 4 Which Way Is Left? withthelessonsofthemanydifferenttendenciesofthepoliticalLe.In short,tosomethingthatbringsusclosertothekindoffuturewewanttosee forourselves,ourchildrenandmanygenerationstocome. roughoutthepaperwewillreferto“thecrisisofsocialism”—thatis,the failures,mistakesandshortcomingsofprevioussocialistprojectsthatimpact andinfluenceallrevolutionariestoday.Giventhiscrisis,werecognizethe needforarevolutionarysocialisttheoryandpracticethatguideusinmak- ingrevolutionarychangeforthe21stcentury. Capitalismhasproventobeanagileandpersistentenemy.Itconstantly takesadvantageoftheweaknessesofradicalsandrevolutionariesandtheor- ganizationstheybuild.Capitalism’ssustainedassaulthascreatedachaotic world—massivedisplacementofpeoples,imperialistaggression,shiingpo- liticalalliancesaroundtheworld,nuclearposturingandarmament,environ- mentaldegradationanddisasters—whichtheLeisunpreparedtoconfront. Fortunately,wehereintheUSarenotaloneinthissearchforrevolution- arytheory,programandorganizationsthatworkintoday’sworld.Revolu- tionariesfromNepaltoLatinAmerica,fromScandinaviatoAfrica,andfrom thePhilippinestoEuropeareengagedinthisprocessaswell.eirstruggles canserveasasourceofinspirationandgiveussomethingtochewonaswe worktotransformtheworldaroundus. Withinthiscontext,thosecommittedtocapitalism’sendandtorevolu- tionarytransformation,bothwithintheadvancedcapitalistworldofthe globalNorthandtheGlobalSouth,mustobligatethemselvestoarigorous processofreflection,self-examination,correction,theorizingandstrategiz- ing.isincludes,butisnotlimitedto,thosesuchasourselveswhouphold revolutionarysocialism.eanswerstothecrisisoftheLearenotcon- tainedinbooksfromanotherera,althoughelementsoftheanswerscertainly canbefoundintheworksofpriorrevolutionaries.Likewise,worksfrom othertheoristsonawholerangeoftopics—patriarchy,whitesupremacy,the environment—whileimportanttotherevitalizationofsocialism,arenotin themselvesthemagicbullet.However,thequestionofdevelopingarevolu- tionarytheoryandpracticeforthe21stcenturymustbeginwithourwilling- nesstofacesomehardtruthsaboutwhatworkedandwhatdidnotin20th centurysocialism,aswellastoconfronttherealitiesandchallengesofthe imperialism(andtheimperialiststate)ofourera:neo-liberalglobalization. isiswherewewillbeginthefirstofmanyconversations. Neo-liberal Globalization: The Imperialism of the 21st Century WorldWarIItransformedtheworld.etwoprincipalpowerstoemerge, atleastmilitarily,weretheUSandtheUSSR.From1945throughroughly 1973,theWesterncapitalistcountriesexperiencedwhathasbeencalledthe Theory, Politics, Organization and 21st-Century Socialism 5 “goldenageofcapitalism,”amisnomerinmanysenses,thoughfortheWest, andespeciallytheUS,therewasademonstrableriseinlivingstandards. DuringthissameperiodtheUS,andinasomewhatdifferentmannerits Westerncapitalistallies,initiatedahostileanti-le/anti-communistideologi- calcampaign,the“ColdWar,”againsttheSoviet-dominatedbloc.FortheUS allthatmatteredwasthatthisblocwas(1)largelyoutsideofthesphereof Westerncapitalism,(2)unpredictable,(3)incounterpointtotheUS-domi- nated“nuclearumbrella,”and(4)generally,thoughinconsistently,supportive ofnationalliberationmovements,especiallyintheGlobalSouth,aswellas localleistmovements.2IntheUS,thisanti-leideologicalcampaignhadan internalcomponenttargetingleandprogressiveorganizations. AcombinationoftheVietnamWar,domesticclassstruggles(including thefreedommovementsofpeopleofcolorandthewomen’smovement)and economicstagnationchallengedtheKeynesianoperatingconsensus.3is consensus,whichoperatedfromtheideathatthestateshouldintervenein bothmaintainingcapital’sgrowthandoffsettingsomeoftheharshereffects ofcapitalismonthepoor,hadbeendominantintheUSupuntilthatperiod. Inresponse,capitalistsbeganexperimentingwitheliminatinginstitutional andpoliticalconstraintstocapitalaccumulationandprofits.Firstknownas atcherism(intheUS,Reaganism),theworldcametounderstandthisas thetheoryofneo-liberalism.Ideologically,therehasbeenashitowardag- gressive,individual-focusedeconomics,aspublicservice,thepublicsector, andspendingforpublicgoodareseenasantitheticaltoavibranteconomy. Wearenolongereachother’skeepers,butit’s“takecareofnumberone”and “greedisgood.” Neo-liberalismbecametheideologicalorientationforthedramaticreor- ganizationofglobalcapitalism.Unfoldinginearnestsincethemid-1970s, thisreorganization—generallycalledglobalization—includesfeatureslike theelectronicsrevolution–aidedhyper-mobilityofcapital,internationaliza- tionofproduction,feminizationoftheproletariat,decreasingtradeprotec- tions,andthecreationofaninternationaleconomicinfrastructureto facilitatecapitalaccumulationandstrengthentheroleoftheinternational capitalistclass.Neo-liberalglobalizationhasbroughtaboutamoreexagger- atedwealthpolarizationontheplanetandadeepeningofthedependencyof theGlobalSouthontheNorth(particularlythroughso-calledirdWorld 2. efailureoftheSovietsandtheFrenchCommunistPartytosupporttheAlgeriannational liberationstruggleisanexampleofthatinconsistency. 3. Keynesianeconomicsemphasizestheroleofthecapitaliststateinpromotingeconomic growth,andwithinthat,acertainlevelofincomeequity.(ereneedstobedemandinorder tokeepthesystemmoving.)IntheUS,Keynesianismtooktwoforms:(1)theNewDealre- formprogramunderFDRand(2)whatcametobeknownas“militaryKeynesianism:”the useofmilitaryspendingtopropuptheeconomy. 6 Which Way Is Left? debt),aswellasafull-blownassaultonthegrassrootsorganizationsofthe people,including,butnotlimitedto,laborunions. AsSamirAminarguesineLiberalVirus,US-dominatedneo-liberal globalization(orinMarxistterms,theimperialismofthe21stcentury)has thepotentialtobemoreviolent,moredestructive,andmoredeadlytomore people,especiallytheworld’speasants,thananyotherperiodofcapitalistde- velopment.ecurrentreorganizationofglobalcapitalismisnolessviolent thanwastheconquestoftheAmericasortheslavetradeinAfrica.Military violenceandrepressioncharacterizethisreorganization.High-techweapons maketheconductofwargame-like,shieldingthepublicfromseeingfirst- handthedeadbodies,scorchedlandandruinedinfrastructuretheir“games” haveproduced. The Neo-liberal Authoritarian State OfparticularimportancetotheLeisthequestionoftheevolutionofthe stateunderneo-liberalglobalization.Somethinkthatneo-liberalismdimin- ishestheroleofthestateinrelationtodirectruleofcorporatepower;however, weseeneo-liberalismasneedingastrongstate.First,thestateisneededto managetheradicalreorganizationofcapitalandensureinternationalcompli- ancewiththedictatesofglobalcapitalingeneralandUSimperialisminpar- ticular.Asecondroleforthestateistorepressandcontrolanyresistanceto thisrestructuring.estatehaschangedtomeetthesedemands.Civilliberties andtheparametersofacceptablepoliticaldiscourse(i.e.,whatisconsideredto belegitimateopinion)havenarrowed.epolice,militaryandprisonsare moreimportantthanever,whilethepublicsectorandconcernforpublicwel- farearetheleastpriority.Staterepressionhasnotbeentheresponsetoaresur- genceofthepopularmovementstothesamedegreethatoccurredinthe’60s and’70s,whenthestateviolentlyattemptedtoquashthosemovements.In- stead,thepowers-that-beusethethreatofterrorismtoadvancetheirlong- termeconomicandpoliticalinterests,bothintheUSandinternationally.e ongoingcriminaldisregardforHurricaneKatrinasurvivorscanbecontrasted withtheUS’smassiveinvestmentintheinvasionofIraq,withtheaimofcon- trolling(andprivatizing)theIraqistateanditsnaturalresources. ispronouncedevolutionofthestateistowardwhatwecouldcallaneo- liberalauthoritarianstate.isistobedistinguishedfromotherformsof 4. Fascism,atleastasdescribedbytheoristssuchasPoulantzas,involvesaleveloflawlessness andaradicaleliminationofthedemocraticcapitaliststate.Fascismisalso,ironically,avery revolutionarymovementinthatitintroducesabreakwithestablishedbourgeoisdemocratic practicesandinstitutions.Fascismisnotthesameasaconservativecapitalistregime, thoughfascistsoenalignwithpoliticalconservatives. 5. PowerblocisatermcoinedbytheGreek-borntheoreticianNicosPoulantzastodescribe thealignmentofclassesandclassfractionsthatdominatesacapitalistsocialformation. Theory, Politics, Organization and 21st-Century Socialism 7 right-wingruleincluding20th-centuryfascism4inmanyimportantrespects, someofwhichare:(1)anevolutionratherthananabruptterminationof democraticruleandrights;(2)noorganizedmassmovementinpowercall- ingforanendtoconstitutionaldemocracy;and(3)nosplitwithinthepower bloc5thatcannot,atthistime,beresolvedthroughlegalmeans. SegmentsoftheUSLehavethehabitofidentifyinganyandallformsof repressiveright-wingrulewithfascism.iscomplicatesanyanalysis,but also—andquiteironically—romanticizesbourgeoisdemocracyinthatit equatesbourgeoisdemocracywithrelativepeaceandfreedomforthevast majorityofpeople.AsthehistoryoftheUSdemonstratestimeandagain,re- pressionisacornerstoneofUSbourgeoisdemocracy. eneo-liberalauthoritarianstate—notaparticularlyscientificnamebut onethattriestocapturetheessenceofwhatisunfolding—representsthe evolutionoftheWesternbourgeoisdemocraticstate.Ithasbroughtwithit theslowdeclineincivillibertiesandrights,aswellastheslownarrowingof acceptablepoliticaldiscourse.Itishighlyrepressive,andinitsrepression servestheinterestsofglobalcapitalandthereorganizationofglobalcapital- ismitself.Inthissenseitisnotasimpledescriptionofthisorthatadminis- tration—e.g.,theBushadministration—butratheratendencyofcapitalist ruleduringthisera. eferocityoftheneo-liberalauthoritarianstateisalsoconnectedtothe increasinglyunilateralthrustofUSforeignpolicy.eUSdesirestolimitin- ternationalinput,includingfromitsownallies.eUSseeksaglobalmo- nopolyindeterminingthefinalshapeandformofthereorganizationof globalcapitalism,atleastintheimmediatefuture. edissolutionofthewelfarestateandtheemergenceofneo-liberalism (andtheneo-liberalauthoritarianstate)havebroughtprofoundconfusion withintheranksofthepopularmovements.Mostoftheestablishedmove- mentsintheUStoonedegreeoranotherfoundthemselvesshapedwithin thecontextoftheNewDealwelfarestate.AstheNewDealconsensus6un- raveled,theprogressivesocialmovementsfounditincreasinglydifficultto findtheirbearings.Ateachmomentalosshereoralosstherewasseenasa temporarysetback,ratherthanastherealitythattheentireNewDealcon- sensusandthewelfarestatewerecomingtoanend. Neo-liberalglobalizationisfarmorethancompaniesmovingoffshore;itis aboutthechangingnatureofwork,capitalandthelegitimacyofthestate.It isclearnowthatthestatewillnotprovideforthemassesofpeopleinorder 6. NewDealconsensuswasthepoliticalalignmentdevelopedfirstunderPresidentFranklin Roosevelt.ItrepresentedtheadoptionofaversionofKeynesianeconomics,socialreform, andthestrengtheningofthestate’sroleintheeconomyasawhole.isconsensus,inone formoranother,existeduntilthemid-1970swhenitunraveledinresponsetocapitalist stagnation,classstruggle,thedemandsofdomesticprogressivesocialmovementsforanex- pansionofdemocracy,andachanginginternationalsituation. 8 Which Way Is Left? toresolvetheireverydayproblems.Asthestateisfurtherdrainedofre- sources,irrespectiveoftheintentofindividualpoliticalleaders,itbecomes moredifficulttodeliveronpromisesanddemands. ereorganizationofglobalcapitalismbringswithitgrowing“expendable” populations,includingthosethrownoffthelandandforcedtomigrateto citiesorforeignlands.Next,therearenarrowingjoboptions.IntheUSthe starvedandshrinkingpublicsectormostheavilyimpactsAfricanAmericans who,sincethe1960s,havefoundthepublicsectortobeamajorsourceof work.eexpendablealsoincludethoseassociatedwith20th-centurymanu- facturingjobs(andagriculturaljobsincottonandtobacco)intheglobal North.Manufacturinghasnotdisappearedglobally,orevenintheUS,butit haschangedinshape,sizeandcomposition.Mechanizationandcasualization havemadetheworkforcevulnerabletofeelingsofendlesscompetitionfrom others.Competitionisbothdomesticandinternational.efearofcompeti- tionfromimmigrants,orofjobsbeingoutsourcedtoforeignlands,hasall workerslookingovertheirshoulders.Nojobisimmunefromneo-liberalglob- alization.Rather,itishowneo-liberalglobalizationwillaffectthejob. Withinneo-liberalglobalizationtherehasbeenanincreasedfeminization oftheglobalproletariat.istendencyhasimmenseimplicationsforchanging genderrolesandthequestionofwork.Jobsintheglobaleconomybecome genderedandfeminizedandthereforedegradedwithlowerpayandworsen- ingworkingconditions.Asmen,particularlyfromthemiddlestrata(herewe refertoelementsofthepetitbourgeoisie),7findthemselveseducatedbutoutof work,theyoenseewomenascompetitorsforemployment,althoughmendo notworkinjobsthathavebeentraditionallyreservedforwomen.emen perceivewomenastheenemyratherthanrecognizingtheoppressionthatthey faceaswomenandasworkers.Variousformsofright-wingpopulismthatat- tempttoreassertmalesupremacyspeaktothisfear.AlQaeda-typeclericalfas- cismissimplyanextremeversionofthisright-wingbacklash. eincreasedworkforceparticipationofwomen,alongwiththedemands ofwomenfordemocracyandagainstmalesupremacy,hassparkedbacklash fromthepoliticalRight.isbacklash,whichposesasadefenseofalleged “familyvalues,”isanothermeanstochallengegenderroles,broadlydefined. Withneo-liberalglobalizationandincreasingcompetitionforresources, alongwiththepauperizationofentirepopulations,womenbecomethecon- venienttargetofthepoliticalRightandscapegoatsfortheproblemsfacedby malemembersoftheworkforce(andthosewhowishtoentertheformal workforce). 7. Sometimesreferredtoasthemiddleclass,thepetitbourgeoisieistheclassbetweenthe bourgeoisieandtheworkingclassandcanincludeshopkeepers,supervisorsandlow-level managers,andvarioustypesof“professional”jobs(lawyers,doctors,etc.)ep.b.hascon- tradictorytendencies,sometimesconservative(oenseenasthesocialbasisoffascist states),buttheireconomicandsocialpositionistenuousintheneo-liberalstate. Theory, Politics, Organization and 21st-Century Socialism 9
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