When, early in the fifteenth century, a visiting friar of considerable reputation arrived in King's Lynn

227 Pages·2017·1.08 MB·English

by  Christine Middleton

THE VITAE OF BODLEIAN LIBRARY MS DOUCE 114
Brian C. Vander Veen
Thesis submitted to the University of Nottingham for
the degree of Doctor of Philosophy
February 2007
Abstract
Bodleian Library MS Douce 114 contains the unique copy of four Middle English texts,
translations of Latin vitae, all describing Continental women saints whose unusual forms
of devotion set them apart from the often more sober atmosphere of late-medieval
English spirituality in which the texts appeared. The texts first attracted scholarly notice
following the publication of The Book of Margery Kempe and the subsequent interest in the
lives of the Continental women mystics whom Kempe resembled far more than her own
English contemporaries; however, the texts have yet to be examined in any detail. This
study investigates both the physical production of the translation and the context of
book production in which the manuscript appeared, as well as the ideological context and
controversies which would have informed the reading and reception of the texts.
Acknowledgments
This thesis could not have been completed without the patience and dedicated help of
my supervisor, Prof Thorlac Turville-Petre. I would also like to thank Prof Janette Dillon
for her valuable advice during the formative stages of this project; my examiners Prof
Vincent Gillespie and Dr. Nicola Royan for providing helpful suggestions for the
elaboration and refinement of my future research on late-medieval devotional texts; the
staff of the Hallward Library at the University of Nottingham, the staff of the Bodleian
Library at Oxford, and the staff of the Pollak Library at California State University
Fullerton; and finally, my family and friends without whose support the completion of
this thesis would not have been possible.
Table of Contents
Chapter 1: Introduction .............................................................................................. 1
Chapter 2: Literary Production at Beauvale Priory ..................................................... 34
Chapter 3: The Beguine Movement ................................................................................. 70
Chapter 4: Douce 114 and the Defence of Orthodoxy ....................................... 123
Chapter 5: Idiosyncratic Devotion and Its Critics ..................................................... 191
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Introduction
When, early in the fifteenth century, a visiting friar of considerable reputation arrived in
King's Lynn, Norfolk, he was forewarned by the priest of St James' parish about the
unusual behaviour of one of the local residents. The individual, Margery Kempe,
daughter of Lynn's former mayor, had earned some local notoriety for her unusual
devotion, and specifically, for her fits of loud weeping in response to any mention of
Christ's passion. These outbursts had so far been patiently tolerated by the parish priest
as well as the parishioners, and he instructed the visiting friar to do likewise. During his
first sermon in Lynn, the friar voiced no objection when Margery began to sob loudly,
but he afterwards excluded her from attending any church in which he was preaching,
despite attempts by local clergy and lay supporters of Kempe to persuade him otherwise.
The resulting tension between the friar, on the one hand, and Kempe's friends and
supporters, on the other, reached an impasse on St James' Day, 1420, when the friar
preached a pulpit-pounding sermon against Kempe, making thinly-veiled threats against
those who persisted in supporting her: 'Yyf I here any mor thes matyrs rehersyd,' the
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friar warned, 'I schal so smytyn the nayl on the hed . . . that it schal schamyn alle hyr
mayntenowyrs'. At that, many of Kempe's friends withdrew their support and
friendship, capitulating instead to the friar's reputation. Even the priest who would later
serve as Margery's amanuensis and help produce the book of her life and revelations was
momentarily dissuaded from endorsing her unusual form of devotion.
He did, of course, later regret his decision and returned to Margery's support, but only
after discovering ample precedent for Margery's ecstatic weeping. The account of his
change of mind, preserved in The Book of Margery Kempe, lists several books of
contemporary devotion mentioning the gift of tears, the first of which is the vita of Marie
of Oignies (d.1213). The anecdote that Margery's priest relates from the vita is in many
ways strikingly parallel to Kempe's own experiences, and it is this similarity, as well as the
ecclesiastical sanction already given to Marie's form of devotion, that seems to have
persuaded Margery's priest to put his own reputation at stake rather than withdraw his
support. Like Margery, Marie of Oignies was excluded by a clergyman because of her
loud weeping. In Marie's case, however, the priest was himself later so overwhelmed
during the gospel reading that he soaked his vestments with tears, and thus was forced to
admit the authenticity of Marie's special grace. It is this miraculous precedent that for
Margery's amanuensis serves as his primary justification for accepting Margery's
experiences as equally valid. 1
The similarities between Kempe's spirituality and that of Marie of Oignies, and indeed
that of a number of continental women mystics, are numerous, and comparisons with
continental saints have been a staple of Kempe studies ever since Hope Emily Allen's
preface and notes for the EETS edition of The Book of Margery Kempe first called attention

1 The story of Margery’s conflict with the friar, and her priest’s crisis of loyalties, is related in Ch. 61-
62 of The Book of Margery Kempe. Quotations are from the edition by Sanford Brown Meech and
Hope Emily Allen, The Book of Margery Kempe (OS 212, London: EETS, 1940).
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to the 'accumulation of coincidental commonplaces' shared by Kempe and a number of
continental holy women.2 As a result, Douce 114, the manuscript preserving the unique
copy of the Middle English translation of Marie of Oignies's life, together with the vitae
of Elizabeth of Spalbeek (d.1274) and Christina Mirabilis (d.1224) and a letter concerning
Catherine of Siena (d.1380), has since been often cited in discussions of Kempe. Even
works produced for non-specialists, such as the introduction to B.A.Windeatt's
translation of The Book of Margery Kempe, have since included allusions to Douce 114, in
this case citing the volume as 'a collection which in itself suggests the kind of reading that
some of Margery's advisors would draw upon'.3
Yet, despite the frequent allusions made to Douce 114 in the context of Kempe studies,
few have yet examined the manuscript itself in any depth. Jocelyn Wogan-Browne and
Marie-Élisabeth Henneau lament this oversight in their introduction to a recent
collection of essays discussing the influence of women mystics of the Low Countries:
'Yet for what are arguably the most important texts concerning the women of Liége and
English vernacular culture, there currently exists no edition later than that to be found in

2 Meech and Allen, The Book of Margery Kempe, p.lv. Summaries of the parallels between Marie of
Oignies and Margery Kempe can also be found in Barry Windeatt’s useful introduction to his
translation of The Book of Margery Kempe (London: Penguin, 1994), p.19-20; in Ellen M. Ross, The
Grief of God: Images of the Suffering Jesus in Late Medieval England (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 1997), p.120-21; and in Clarissa W. Atkinson, Mystic and Pilgrim: The Book and the World of
Margery Kempe, (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1983), p.31-34. One particular similarity,
Marie of Oignies’ Candlemas vision, is discussed more extensively by Carolyne Larrington in
'Representing the Presentation: The Candlemas Vision and Marie d'Oignies' Role in its Dissemination'
in Juliette Dor et al., eds., New Trends in Feminine Spirituality (Hull: Brepols, 1999), p. 195-214.
Other comparisons of Margery Kempe to continental women mystics can be found in Julia Bolton
Holloway, 'Bride, Margery, Julian, and Alice: Bridget of Sweden’s Textual Community in Medieval
England' in Sarah J. McEntire, ed., Margery Kempe: A Book of Essays (New York: Garland, 1992),
p.203-21; Alexandra Barratt, 'Margery Kempe and the King’s Daughter of Hungary' in McEntire,
Margery Kempe, p.189-201; Susan Dickman, 'Margery Kempe and the Continental Tradition of the
Pious Woman' in Marion Glasscoe, ed., The Medieval Mystical Tradition in England (Woodbridge:
D.S.Brewer, 1984), p.150-68; Janette Dillon, 'Holy Women and their Confessors or Confessors and
their Holy Women? Margery Kempe and Continental Tradition' in Rosalynn Voaden, ed., Prophets
Abroad: The Reception of Continental Holy Women in Late Medieval England, (Cambridge:
D.S.Brewer, 1996), p.115-40.
3 Windeatt, The Book of Margery Kempe, p.20
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a scholarly journal of 1886 [sic] and very few studies'.4 The collection of essays on the
women of Liége, edited by Wogan-Browne and Henneau, goes some way toward
correcting the imbalance, containing valuable articles on Christina Mirabilis and Marie of
Oignies.5 None of the articles, however, deals specifically with the Middle-English
translations of the vitae found in Douce 114, nor with the reception of these texts within
the context of late-medieval English spirituality.
Moreover, Wogan-Browne and Henneau's description of the manuscript as 'the fifteenth-
century Middle English versions of the vitae of Marie of Oignies, Christina Mirabilis, and
Elizabeth of Spalbeek, grouped together with a translation of the German mystic Henry
Suso's Horologium and prepared for an unidentified English woman by her chaplain' is
perhaps unfortunate. First, by omitting the letter concerning the life of Catherine of
Siena from its list of contents, it gives the impression that the manuscript is concerned
solely with the vitae of saints associated with the Liége Beguines. Instead, the inclusion in
Douce 114 of a letter describing the life of Catherine of Siena indicates a different
principle of organisation, one that I suggest is based principally on thematic similarities
rather than geographic or historical associations. Second, and more seriously, the
statement is based on the misunderstanding that the vitae were 'prepared for an
unidentified English woman by her chaplain'. A statement to that effect is found in
Douce 114, but it is in the prologue to Suso's Horologium, not the four vitae, and this
prologue is not unique to Douce 114, but occurs independently of the vitae in at least five
other manuscript copies of the Horologium.6 It was apparently copied into Douce 114
from another source and has no direct bearing on the intended readership of the other

4 Jocelyn Wogan-Browne and Marie-Élisabeth Henneau, 'Liège, the Medieval "Woman Question", and
the Question of Medieval Women' in New Trends in Feminine Spirituality. p.16
5 Barbara Newman, 'Devout Women and Demoniacs in the World of Thomas of Cantimpré', in New
Trends in Feminine Spirituality, p.35-60, and Carolyne Larrington, 'Representing the Presentation”,
p.195-214
6 See vol 9, pt 13, item 80 in J. Burke Severs and Albert E. Hartung, eds. A Manual of the Writings in
Middle English 1050-1500 (New Haven, CN: Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 1967-1998)
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texts with which it is bound or the volume as a whole. While it may perhaps be the case
that the manuscript was in fact prepared for an English nun or laywoman, this particular
line cannot directly prove such a conclusion.
The one study of Douce 114 cited by Wogan-Browne and Henneau, Patricia Deery
Kurtz's 'Mary of Oignies, Christine the Marvelous, and Medieval Heresy', is more helpful
with regard to the manuscript's textual background.7 In addition to listing the extant
Latin manuscripts of English provenance containing the vitae translated in Douce 114,
Kurtz provides further evidence concerning the relationship between the vitae and the
English Carthusians by calling attention to a possible Latin manuscript source owned by
John Blacman, the chaplain of Henry VI and a later associate of the Carthusian house at
Witham.8 Kurtz's main thesis, however, requires some qualification. Her argument that
'interest in the texts of the vitae of Marie and Christina in late 14th- and 15th-century
England may have been at least partly inspired by the anti-heretical themes and the
emphasis on orthodox values found in them' is provocative in that it provides a reason
why a translation of these texts may have been undertaken.9 It is valuable, however, to
qualify her statement with the observation that the English interest in these women
appears to have been, at best, limited. These saints certainly never achieved the cult-
following afforded to the more established women saints such as the virgin-martyrs

7 Patricia Deery Kurtz, 'Mary of Oignies, Christine the Marvelous, and Medieval Heresy', Mystics
Quarterly 14 (1988): 186-96
8 Kurtz briefly describes one Latin text, Oxford St John’s College MS 182, ascribed to Witham
Carthusian John Blacman and containing the lives of Marie of Oignies, Christina Mirabilis, and
Elizabeth of Spalbeek among others. She furthermore lists the following: Cambridge, Corpus Christi
College MS 138 (Life of Elizabeth of Spalbeek, c14); Cambridge, Jesus College MS 24 (Life of
Elizabeth of Spalbeek, c14); Durham, Durham Cathedral Library MS B.IV.39 (Fragment of the life of
Elizabeth of Spalbeek, c15); London, British Library MS Harley 4725 (life of Marie of Oignies, c13-
14); Oxford, Bodleian Library MS Bodley 240 (Lives of Marie of Oignies, Christina Mirabilis, and
Elizabeth of Spalbeek, c14); and Oxford, Bodleian Library MS Bodley 694 (Fragment of the life of
Elizabeth of Spalbeek, c13-14). Kurtz also refers to a medieval booklist describing the contents of the
Augustinian Priory at Thurgarton, Notts., edited by Ramona Bressie in 'MS Sloane 3548, Folio 15',
Modern Language Notes 54 (1939): 246-56. Among the titles listed in that folio appears the following:
'Vita trium virginum. scilicet. Elizabeth. cristine. et Marie Oegenes. Littere quedem de vita sancte
Katerine de Senys in vno quaterno', where 'in vno quaterno' has been struck through.
9 Kurtz, 'Mary of Oignies', p.195
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Katherine of Alexandria or Margaret of Antioch, or even more recent saints like the
thirteenth-century Zita, all of whom were frequently represented in the visual art of the
period.10 Nor did their lives and revelations—except, arguably, Catherine of Siena's—
ever achieve the literary circulation afforded to the writings of other women mystics such
as Bridget of Sweden or Mechtild of Hackeborn.
Furthermore, Kurtz's assessment of the 'anti-heretical themes' present in the vitae of
Douce 114 is restricted almost entirely to their usefulness as anti-Cathar documents.
Focusing specifically on Marie of Oignies and Christina Mirabilis, Kurtz describes these
vitae as refuting in particular the tenets of Cathar dualism. The 'emphasis on demonic
powers foiled' found in the life of Marie of Oignies is a response, according to Kurtz, to
the 'inordinate power' accredited to the 'forces of evil' by Cathar belief. Similarly, the
attribution of evil, in the life of Christina Mirabilis, to creation's rejection of a benevolent
creator is read as a response to the Cathar position that evil was intrinsically inherent in
the material world. Kurtz's suggestion has some merit: Marie of Oignies' hagiographer
James of Vitry did actively preach against the Cathars, and it is thus not unlikely that he
framed his narrative as an alternative but orthodox model for women's piety.11 The
appearance, however, of these vitae in fifteenth-century England can hardly be attributed
to their anti-Cathar leanings, since the Cathar heresy had long been extinguished and had,
in any case, never extended across the Channel. If these texts were in any way valued
among the English for their anti-heretical potential, it was as a refutation of Lollard
claims, not Cathar. Kurtz's comments on the texts' reinforcement of the value of the
Eucharist, questioned by both Cathar and Lollard heretics, are thus more relevant when

10 For a discussion of the representation of women saints in English parish churches, see Eamon Duffy,
'Holy Maydens, Holy Wyfes: The Cult of Women Saints in Fifteenth- and Sixteenth-Century England'
in W.J. Sheils and Diana Wood, eds. Women in the Church (London: Basil Blackwood, 1990), p.175-
96. There does exist one late example of Catherine of Siena on a 1528 screen at Horsham St Faith,
where Catherine appears with Bridget of Sweden and others, described in Eamon Duffy, The Stripping
of the Altars: Traditional Religion in England 1400-1580 (New Haven, CT: Yale, 1992), p.167
11 Kurtz, 'Mary of Oignies', p.188-89
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