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Visionary Women and Visible Children, England 1900-1920: Childhood and the Women's Movement PDF

236 Pages·2018·2.41 MB·English
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Visionary Women and Visible Children, England 1900–1920 “By focussing on pioneering women’s work to improve childhood and the social status of children, Mayall re-writes the history of the early women’s movement in England, showing how women pioneers in the early 20C fought for justice for both women and children. Childhood emerges as a social status in society, and children as the new generation on which the nation’s prosperity depended. Alongside their suffrage work, women were at the forefront of work to ensure that children acquired rights and status as deserving of national and international inter- vention. Through analysis of memoirs, Mayall casts new light on elementary school children’s status as contributors to the economic survival of their families.” —Virginia Morrow, University of Oxford, UK Berry Mayall Visionary Women and Visible Children, England 1900–1920 Childhood and the Women’s Movement Berry Mayall UCL Institute of Education London, UK ISBN 978-3-319-61206-5 ISBN 978-3-319-61207-2 (eBook) DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-61207-2 Library of Congress Control Number: 2017949480 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2018 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the pub- lisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institu- tional affiliations. Cover designed by Oscar Spigolon Printed on acid-free paper This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by Springer Nature The registered company is Springer International Publishing AG The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland A cknowledgements I am grateful to my grandson, Louis Mayall, who worked as a research assistant in the early stages of this study, collecting and analysing useful background information. Many thanks to Abigail Knight who provided a valuable link to interviews carried out in Ambleside; also to Priscilla Alderson for discussion of children’s rights; and to Virginia Morrow for her expertise on the law relating to education. I am greatly indebted to the UCL Institute of Education library staff, who, unfailingly helpful and kindly, have helped me track down books and papers; and given me access to the very valuable archives held at the Institute. v c ontents Chapter One Introduction 1 Chapter Two The Women’s Movement and Childhood, 1900–1920 23 Chapter Three The Economics of Childhood: Home and Neighbourhood 57 Chapter Four Experiencing Elementary School 89 Chapter Five Women and Children and the Great War Years 129 Chapter Six After the Great War 161 Appendix A 193 Appendix B: Legislation and Other Board of Education Documents Relating to Children 1870–1918 203 References 209 Index 221 vii A n c ote on urrency For those familiar only with decimal currency, that is UK money since 1972, I give some notes on the currency in the earlier part of the twentieth century. During the course of the book, I include some details about incomes and expenditure. One farthing—¼d; one quarter of one penny, 1d. (the d. is short for denarius, Latin for a Roman penny…) One half penny, or ha’penny—½d; one half of 1d. One penny: 12 pennies—one shilling 1s., 144 pennies—one pound: £1 Farthings, ha’pennies and pennies were coppers. Money above this level was in silver. Sixpenny bit—6d. or half a shilling One shilling—12d., or 24 ha’pennies Five bob—5 shillings, 20 shillings—£1 Half a crown—two shillings and six pence or 2/6. eight half crowns—£1 One pound: £1 One guinea: £1.1s.0d. We also have to note that weights for food were in pounds and ounces. A pound is about half a kilo and 16 ounces make one pound. ix x A NOTE ON CURRENCy whAt Incomes dId PArents of elementAry school chIldren receIve? For an unskilled male worker, weekly income might be between 18s and 28s. This is shown in Pember Reeves’ list (1988) of the incomes of 31 families studied in Lambeth in 1911–13. Another good source of information is Clementina Black’s edited col- lection of papers on married women’s work (1915). Generally, these women earned half a man’s wage, and many of the occupations were ‘women’s jobs’, not unionised, including work carried out at home for employers, notably dress-making work. The memoirs also provide information. Rolph’s father, a sergeant in the police, was earning 28s. a week, when Rolph was born (Rolph p. 12). Rolph emphasises that they were not poor—this salary was enough to house, feed and clothe the family of four (two parents and two children) in London. But he went to school with barefoot children and family income was clearly reflected in clothes. On the other hand, Jasper’s father, a drunken casual labourer, gave his wife only 8s. or 10s. a week. She tried to make up for this by making and selling clothes. But they were often short of food and boots and some- times fell behind with the rent. (Jasper passim) Rent for housing might vary from 5s. to 8s. a week. Commonly, the city houses offering three or four floors would each house three or four families, each having two rooms on a floor. Washing and laundry facilities and lavatories were commonly shared. In rural areas, agricultural labourers often lived in a tied cottage, that is, rent free and owned by their employer— the farmer, but their wages might reflect this, and 10s. a week is noted for male agricultural workers (for detail on earnings see Len Thompson’s account in Blythe (1972) pp. 31–38). Those in tied cottages sometimes had a garden, so they could grow vegetables and keep chickens and pigs. whAt could these moneys Buy? An illuminating account is given by Robert Roberts, whose mother kept a corner shop in a slum area of Salford. Most of the money she took in each day was in coppers: farthings, ha’pennies and pennies (Roberts 1977, p. 104). Families bought food by the day, sometimes shopping both morning and evening. This is partly because they had nowhere safe, dry and clean to keep food and partly because income was insecure—some A NOTE ON CURRENC y xi fathers were paid by the day (Pember Reeves chapter 8). Some women shopped late at night, because then the perishable food was reduced in price (Rolph 1980, p. 75). A good source is Pember Reeves, who collected detailed accounts of weekly income spent by Lambeth housewives (chapter 10) (See my Chapter Three). They had to budget in fuel for heating and to cook by; often funeral insurance (since a child might die); money for boots and clothing. On food, Pember Reeves notes, the main expense was for bread, which cost about 2½d. a loaf (this was the main food eaten for breakfast and the evening meal). Sugar was 2d. a pound (used for sweetening tea) and fami- lies might use 3 or 4 pounds a week. Potatoes were cheap at about ½d. a pound. Meat, mostly for the father, was a once-in-the-week buy (for the Sunday main meal) and might cost 2s.6d. a week (2/6). Mid-week, a fish or a rasher of bacon or an egg might be bought for the father’s evening meal. Bennett records that a haddock or bloater was 1½d. or 2d. (Bennett, p. 22). Pember Reeves records the average spent on food per person per day; in most of her 31 families it is about 2½d. each per day. Children could earn money. But just as women were paid half of male wages, so children were paid even less. Girls might ‘mind’ a neighbour’s child for a penny or two (1d. or 2d.) a session. Jan Jasper was paid 6d. for a long day helping with an expedition of people out to Epping Forest (but his mother forced the employer to stump up 2/6) (Jasper 1974, p. 68). Clifford Hills was in more regular employment from the age of 9: he worked in the big house from 7 a.m. till 10 a.m., then went to school, then worked from 4 p.m. till 6 p.m. and on Saturday from 7 a.m. till 1 p.m. For this he was paid 2s. a week (Thompson T. 1981, pp. 57–63). Pember Reeves details the wages earned, by children, in families where the father was out of work or had only intermittent earnings. For instance the eldest girl in one family was earning 6s.per week working full-time in a factory and her brother earned 2s.6d. as a milk delivery boy, working two hours before and again after school plus ‘several hours’ on Saturday and Sunday (Pember Reeves, p. 181.) Rolph (pp. 64–65) gives some detail on what children could buy with the amounts of money they might personally have. In his relatively well-off family, he had weekly pocket money of 1d. With a quarter of that, a farthing, you could buy a toffee apple, or a foot-long strip of toffee or a sherbet dab (a hollow stick of liquorice poking out of a screw of sherbet). With a penny, you could frequent the Marks and Spencer’s penny bazaar, xii A NOTE ON CURRENCy which sold toys (such as dolls and tin model vehicles), painting books, pencils and crayons. Bennett (p. 21) also notes the cost of sweets: four ounces of toffee for 1d. or a farthing’s-worth of sweets.

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