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Vassouras, a Brazilian Coffee County, 1850-1900: The Roles of Planter and Slave in a Plantation Society PDF

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VASSOURAS VASSOURAS A Brazhan Coffee County, 1850-1900 The Roles ofPlanter and Slave ina Plantation Society STANLEYJ. STEIN PRINCETON UNIVERSITYPRESS Princeton, NewJersey Published by Princeton University Press, 41 William Street, Princeton, NewJersey 08540 In the United Kingdom:Princeton University Press, Chichester, West Sussex New material copyright © 1985 by StanleyJ. Stein All rights reserved Harvard University Press edition, 1958 First Princeton Paperback printing, 1985 LCC 85-42659 ISBN 0-691-07694-4 ISBN 0-691-02236-4 (pbk.) Princeton University Press books are printed on acid-free paper and meetthe guidelines for permanence and durability ofthe Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity ofthe Council on Library Resources Printed in the United States ofAmerica by Princeton Academic Press 7 9 10 8 6 TO MY WIFE PREFACE THE economic development, population growth, and expanded trade of western Europe and North America affected Latin America radically in the nineteenth century. After 1850 the process of integrating Latin America into the world economy accelerated under the impact of commercial agriculture, rail- road construction in limited areas, and new intellectual currents. The aimof this analysis of plantation economy and society in Vassouras, a communityof the Parahyba Valley of south-central Brazil, is to examine at the local levelthe effect ofthe changing world economy upon Brazilian institutions. Between 1850-1900 the Parahyba Valley was the scene of the greatest coffee production in the world. During the pre- ceding thirty years a primeval forest had been transformed into a series of expanding settlements which spread up and down the valley, turning the regioninto large coffee plantations based upon slave labor. By the 1880’s, however, coffee production wasfalling offrapidlyin this area, and at the turn ofthe century the regions of virgin soil north and west of the city of Sao Paulo far outstripped the production of the wasted lands of the valley. Coffee in Brazil has molded past and present social and economic patterns. The coffee plantation ofthe mid-nineteenth century was both root and branch ofthe national economy,its political, economic, and social core. Under the Empire it shifted the political and economic center from Bahia and Pernambuco southward,first to the province ofRio, and,later, under the Republic, to the state ofSdo Paulo. Socially it sired a new aristocracy, the coffee barons of the Parahyba Valley, and brought an unprecedented influx of African slaves modi- fying the ethnic composition of central Brazil and stratifying society. Finally, the destructive course of coffee cultivation through the Valley in the past century and the crises of vu vill | PREFACE over-production in the early years of this century stimulated Brazilians to criticize economic dependence upon onestaple subject to the vicissitudes of a world market controlled thou- sands of miles distant from centers of production. In large measure here are the roots of Brazilian nationalism of the 1890’s and early decades of the twentieth century. Whenresearch was begun, it was planned to study approx- imately ten municipios* (municipalities or counties) throughout the valley. Unfortunately, it proved impossible with limited time and funds to perform a thorough job ofinterdisciplinary research in the history of scattered communities via uncata- logued municipal and notarial archives, not to mention establishing contact with local informantsofall classes. On the basis of the Census of 1872, municipal histories and visits to several areas, the municipio of Vassouras was chosen as representative. Emphasis on economic factors was dictated by the nature of the documentation encountered. Economic data werereadily accessible in inventories, testaments, and other records. Regrettably such data cast only indirect light upon social relationships and political organization. Within this economic analysis the medium- and large-sized plantations take the limelight. Undertreatment of the smallholders (sitiantes) stemmed from the fact that the published and manuscript sources refer to them infrequently; their contacts with Rio commission houses were limited, their influence on events of the town or county, slight. Numerous as they were, the small- holders were dominated by the medium- and large-sized planters. After 1850, when the story of Vassouras begins for purposes of this analysis, they tended to restrict their produc- tion to subsistence crops. Nor could planter family relations recelve extensive treatment, for it was difficult to obtain reliable information on planter families and their inter- relationships, to weed fancy from fact, to appraise what was too often wishful reconstruction and to avoid emphasizing one family unduly. * The municipio, Brazil’s political and administrative unit at the local level correspondsin size and function to the county in the United States, PREFACE ix After an introductory chapter presenting the pre-1850 back- ground, a section describes the economic organization and activity of the plantation from 1850 to 1864—the peak of Vassouras’ prosperity. A third section shows the pattern of plantation life, while the last section attempts to analyze the period ofdecline in the last quarter of the nineteenth century. With emphasis upon change a cardinal objective, constant citing of events by year and even by month was unavoidable. Primary sources have been quoted extensively and as literally as possible to retain the thought pattern and phrasing of the period. Source materials came from prefectural and notarial archives in the town of Vassouras, from interviews with aged residents of all classes, and from the National Library and National Archives in Rio de Janeiro. The cartérios or notarial offices in Brazilian county seats are the richest and perhaps most neglected repositories for historians, economists, anthro- pologists, and sociologists. Here are stored records ofpurchases and sales, mortgages and foreclosures of all property whether land, harvests, improvements, or slaves, as well as court pro- ceedings ofcriminal andcivil cases. Next in importanceis the archive of the Cdmara Municipal or Municipal Council whose deliberations, resolutions, and correspondence were packaged by year. Whereverpossible, successive inventories of the same plantation were utilized to obtain a pattern of growth and decline ofproperty over the years. Documentary photographs ofthe Vassouras area supplemented archival and oral sources; recordings were made of work songs and slavejongos, rhymed commentaries closely related to work songs, for their comments on slave society. This study, based upon eighteen months of research in Brazil, was made possible by grants from the Woodbury- Lowery Fund of Harvard University and the Social Science Research Council, both generously providing sufficient funds to permit my wife and daughter to accompany me. Clarence H. Haring, who has guided so many graduate students in Latin American history, supported the research loyally and suggested changes in the manuscript. I am also indebted to x PREFACE Melville and Frances Herskovits and to Charles Wagley for guidance and encouragement. The Committee on the Institute for Brazilian Studies, Vanderbilt University, and the editors of the HispanicAmerican Historical Review have graciously consented to the use herein ofmaterial they have published. To. those hospitable residents of Vassouras, Luciano Alves Ferreira da Silva, jurist and accomplished storyteller, to the prefect of Vassouras, José Bento Martins Barboza, to Pedro Costa of the Cartorio do Primeiro Officio, my thanks for their cooperation. Raul Fernandes, Edgard Teixeira Leite, Mauricio and Carlos Lacerda furnished valuableletters ofintroduction. Josué Montello placed at my disposal many facilities of the National Library, particularly the use of the microfilm labor- atory, and Antonio Gaetano Dias provided a place to work when the National Library was not open to the public. In the National Archives, Eugenio Vilhena de Moraes aided my work as he has done for so many researchers. And my thanks to those informants, mainly former slaves and their descendants, who patiently answered my innumerable questions. It is a pleasure to acknowledge the insight, patience, and hard work of my wife, Barbara Hadley Stein. Her training in Brazilian history and her never failing encouragement made her my invaluableassistant. S. J. STEIN Princeton, NewJersey July 24, 1957

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