U.S. Foreign Policy and Islamist Politics

232 Pages·2008·1.234 MB·English

by  Ahmad S. Moussalli

U.S. Foreign Policy and Islamist Politics
University Press of florida
Florida A&M University, Tallahassee
Florida Atlantic University, Boca Raton
Florida Gulf Coast University, Ft. Myers
Florida International University, Miami
Florida State University, Tallahassee
New College of Florida, Sarasota
University of Central Florida, Orlando
University of Florida, Gainesville
University of North Florida, Jacksonville
University of South Florida, Tampa
University of West Florida, Pensacola
Other books by Ahmad S. Moussalli, from the University Press of Florida
Moderate and Radical Islamic Fundamentalism: The Quest for Modernity,
Legitimacy, and the Islamic State (1999)
The Islamic Quest for Democracy, Pluralism, and Human Rights
(2001; first paperback edition, 2003)
U.S. Foreign Policy
and Islamist Politics
Ahmad S. Moussalli
University Press of Florida
Gainesville/Tallahassee/Tampa/Boca Raton/Pensacola
Orlando/Miami/Jacksonville/Ft. Myers/Sarasota
Copyright 2008 by Dar El Thaqafa Communications House
All rights reserved
A record of cataloging-in-publication data is available from the
Library of Congress.
ISBN 978-0-8130-3149-1 (cloth)
ISBN 978-0-8130-3998-5 (e-book)
The University Press of Florida is the scholarly publishing agency
for the State University System of Florida, comprising Florida A&M
University, Florida Atlantic University, Florida Gulf Coast University,
Florida International University, Florida State University, New College
of Florida, University of Central Florida, University of Florida, University of
North Florida, University of South Florida, and University of West Florida.
University Press of Florida
15 Northwest 15th Street
Gainesville, FL 32611–2079
http://www.upf.com
Contents
Introduction 1
1. The West, U.S. Foreign Policy, and the Making
of the Islamic Threat 13
2. The United States of America and the Western World:
The Making of the Islamic Image 33
3. The Context and Ideologies of Islamist Politics 62
4. Case Studies on Islamic Movements 103
5. Two Case Studies: Iran and the Middle East Peace Process,
and Islamic Movements after the Invasion of Iraq 137
Conclusion and Policy Recommendations 163
Notes 171
Bibliography 189
Index 217

Introduction
The Argument
Despite its global power status, the United States operates with a Cold
War mentality in the Middle East. In this book I argue that Islamic move-
ments and, at times, the Islamic world and Islam, have taken the place
of communism as the arch-enemy. Even after the Second Gulf War, the
United States has maintained the same geo-strategic policies in the region:
alliances with unpopular governments that serve U.S. interests, the con-
trol of oil, and support for the military superiority of Israel, all the while
maintaining a negative distance from or an outright opposition to, power-
ful transnational and local Islamist movements and nationalist states. In
the new age of globalization U.S. policy makers must take into account
emerging transnational social and political forces.
I also argue that two sets of issues affect the stability of the Middle
East. The first set involves issues of cultural identity, including religion and
history, which includes religious claims and symbolism, and casts doubts
on the legitimacy and policies of both Arab governments and Israel, in
turn negatively affecting Arab-Israeli relations, Arab and Israeli domestic
policies, inter-Arab attitudes, and, consequently, long-term U.S. interests.
Thus, one fundamental issue for the next few decades will be to identify
questions that grow out of religion and history. Just as religious ques-
tions over land and identity have galvanized and split the Israeli public,
Islamism has opened up the questions of legitimacy and the nature of the
state in the Islamic world.
The second set of issues relates to legitimate political authority, just
economic distribution, and relations with the rest of the world, including
the West and Israel. The generational shift in Arab governments, with
untested leadership and weak popular legitimacy, means that the United
States has to deal with multiple levels of instability and danger. Iraq under
Saddam Hussein is perhaps the most obvious example of an illegitimate
government, but other regimes are also in need of change. The future of
Islamist movements, whether moderate or radical, largely depends on the
2 Introduction
future of democracy in the Arab world and the Arab world’s relations with
the West. Observers expect violence to intensify from within, against both
Israel and Arab and Islamic governments. Arab governments are capable
of destroying the armed infrastructure of such movements. However, they
cannot liquidate their bases or dismiss their grievances, for these are the
grievances of Islamic movements more broadly and of the Arab people
themselves.
Understanding the rise of religious movements must be given priority
in order to manage the roots of cultural animosity in our globalized cul-
ture. That there is terrorism and violence is a fact, but not every demon-
stration of opposition—including popular demonstrations of opposition
by the fundamentalists—is a terrorist act. Clearly, responses to popular
grievances cannot be formulated on the basis of security issues; the re-
sponses must address the underlying causes. In this context, a just and
comprehensive resolution to the Arab-Israeli conflict, including the cre-
ation of a Palestinian state, is a requirement to satisfy religious expecta-
tions.
Arab governments and the Arab world, as well as Islamic governments
and the Muslim world, do in principle support the U.S. war against terror-
ism. However, if only “Islamic” and “Arab” terrorism is eradicated, while
other kinds of terrorism are justified to appease the state—be they those
of Israel, the United States, or Middle Eastern states with their iron-fisted
policies—the Islamic world will see the double standards adopted by the
West and consequently more terrorism will occur. Thus, in our globalized
world, it is in the interest of the United States and the West not to pos-
tulate a cultural or religious threat or a global Islamic enemy, but instead
to try to locate and solve problems within their immediate contexts. It is
my contention that the fundamentalists, even the radicals, do not pose a
long-term geopolitical threat. However, the Western world should be con-
sistent and outspoken on the implementation of human rights, pluralism,
and democracy, as well as terrorism and armaments, in order to prevent
the rise of more misconceptions about the West in the Islamic world.
At this historical juncture, both the Islamic and the Western worlds
should make concerted efforts to dispel the perception of a clash of civi-
lizations and wars of religion. They must focus on dialogue, justice, de-
velopment, and freedom. Radical Islamic fundamentalism is an extreme
expression of dissatisfaction with the unjust and materialistic modern glo-
balized world, and it is a dangerous embodiment of religious extremism.
Introduction 3
There are more volatile issues, however, and those are ticking and may
explode. Muslim minorities in the West and religious minorities in the
Islamic world should not be treated as enemies, for such treatment only
propels the rise of radicalism and terrorism, committed by individuals,
groups, or states. In the absence of a just U.S. foreign policy toward the
Middle East and the Islamic world, and without resolution of the core
crisis between the Arabs and the Israelis, as well as that in Iraq, extremism
will expand in new forms. Many dissatisfied and marginalized individuals
and groups may resort to terrorism to bring about what they ironically
believe to be justice and freedom.
Today, Islam has been identified with Islamic fundamentalism. Islamic
fundamentalism has been on the rise in recent years, and this trend is
likely to continue. While the term fundamentalism is subject to criticism,
it has been incorporated into the literature on Islamic thought and can be
safely used as a descriptive—and not necessarily as an evaluative—term
for Islamic movements that seek to establish an Islamic state in accor-
dance with the Islamic shari'a.1 One of the aims of this book is to out-
line the ideas and processes that have been involved in the study of Islam
and in the creation of Western images of Islam as represented by Islamic
fundamentalism. Ultimately I suggest a different framework for under-
standing Islamic movements and, consequently, refining and correcting
Western images of Islam.
Terrorism has decreased within most Islamic countries because of gen-
eral Muslim opposition to violence in Islamic communities, splits within
the radical groups, and improved state techniques in combating terror-
ism.2 While it is true that the Arab states have curtailed the use of vio-
lence by violent Islamic rejectionist groups, such groups must not be con-
fused with the nonviolent Islamist accommodationist groups. The latter
are popular mass movements seeking the empowerment of the people.3
Beyond the stereotypes of violent Islamist movements promoted by both
the Western and the Arab media and in numerous political circles, there
exists another reality, which has not been well exposed. This glossed-over
reality is characterized by a modern Islamist worldview within a state-
centric milieu; adoption of democracy, pluralism, and human rights as
legitimate aims; and neutrality toward the West.
One should keep in mind that, in a sense, most practicing Muslims are
part of the nonviolent Islamist trend, even if they have no organizational
affiliations. Increased religious fervor among Muslims should not be taken