US Foreign Policy and China: Security Challenges During the Bush, Obama, and Trump Administrations PDF
Preview US Foreign Policy and China: Security Challenges During the Bush, Obama, and Trump Administrations
U.S. Foreign Policy and China 66559933__WWaarrrreenn aanndd BBaarrttlleeyy__RReessttttiinngg..iinndddd ii 0077//1100//2200 33::1166 PPMM For our parents 66559933__WWaarrrreenn aanndd BBaarrttlleeyy__RReessttttiinngg..iinndddd iiii 0077//1100//2200 33::1166 PPMM U.S. Foreign Policy and China Security Challenges During the Bush, Obama, and Trump Administrations Aiden Warren and Adam Bartley 66559933__WWaarrrreenn aanndd BBaarrttlleeyy__RReessttttiinngg..iinndddd iiiiii 0077//1100//2200 33::1166 PPMM Edinburgh University Press is one of the leading university presses in the UK. We publish academic books and journals in our selected subject areas across the humanities and social sciences, combining cutting-edge scholarship with high editorial and production values to produce academic works of lasting importance. For more information visit our website: edinburghuniversitypress.com © Aiden Warren and Adam Bartley, 2021 Edinburgh University Press Ltd The Tun – Holyrood Road 12(2f) Jackson’s Entry Edinburgh EH8 8PJ Typeset in 11/13 Adobe Sabon by IDSUK (Dataconnection) Ltd, and printed and bound in Great Britain. A CIP record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN 978 1 4744 5305 9 (hardback) ISBN 978 1 4744 5307 3 (webready PDF) ISBN 978 1 4744 5308 0 (epub) The right of Aiden Warren and Adam Bartley to be identifi ed as the authors of this work has been asserted in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, and the Copyright and Related Rights Regulations 2003 (SI No. 2498). 66559933__WWaarrrreenn aanndd BBaarrttlleeyy__RReessttttiinngg..iinndddd iivv 0077//1100//2200 33::1166 PPMM Contents Abbreviations and Acronyms vi Introduction 1 1. The Bush Administration’s First Term: Reconciling the China “Threat” with New Priorities 18 2. The Bush Administration’s Second Term: Searching for the Responsible Stakeholder 49 3. The Obama Administration’s First Term: The Promises of the “Pivot” 81 4. The Obama Administration’s Second Term: Balancing Continuities and New Realities 114 5. The Trump Administration: Confl icting Narratives and Aberrant Departures 151 Afterword 205 Notes 216 Bibliography 274 Index 317 66559933__WWaarrrreenn aanndd BBaarrttlleeyy__RReessttttiinngg..iinndddd vv 0077//1100//2200 33::1166 PPMM Abbreviations and Acronyms 5G Fifth generation A2/AD Anti-access and area denial ABMT Anti-ballistic Missile Treaty ADIZ Air defense identifi cation zone AI Artifi cial intelligence AIIB Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank APEC Asia-Pacifi c Economic Cooperation ARF ASEAN Regional Forum ASBM Anti-ship ballistic missile ASEAN Association of Southeast Asian Nations BRI Belt and Road Initiative BUILD Better Utilization of Investments Leading to Development CCP Chinese Communist Party CoC Code of conduct CSI Container Security Initiative CTBTO Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty Organization CUES Code for Unplanned Encounters at Sea DIUx Defense Innovation Unit Experimental DMZ Demilitarized Zone (Korea) DoD Department of Defense DPG Defense Planning Guidance DPRK Democratic People’s Republic of Korea EAS East Asia Summit ECS East China Sea EEZ Exclusive economic zone ETIM East Turkistan Islamic Movement ETLO East Turkistan Liberation Organization vi 66559933__WWaarrrreenn aanndd BBaarrttlleeyy__RReessttttiinngg..iinndddd vvii 0077//1100//2200 33::1166 PPMM Abbreviations and Acronyms EU European Union FBI Federal Bureau of Investigation FIRRMA Foreign Investment Risk Review Modernization Act FIU Financial intelligence unit FMF Foreign military fi nancing FOIP Free and Open Indo-Pacifi c FoN Freedom of navigation FoNOPs Freedom of the Seas Navigation Operations FTA Free trade agreement G2 Group of Two G20 Group of Twenty IAEA International Atomic Energy Agency ICBM Inter-c ontinental ballistic missile IDFC International Development Finance Corporation IMF International Monetary Fund INDOPACOM Indo-Pacifi c Command INF Intermediate-range nuclear forces IP Intellectual property IPR Intellectual property rights IPS Indo-Pacifi c Strategy IPSR Indo-Pacifi c Strategy Report IRBM Intermediate-range ballistic missile MDA Maritime domain awareness MIRV Multiple independent reentry vehicle MoFA Ministry of Foreign Affairs MSI Maritime Security Initiative NAFTA North Atlantic Free Trade Agreement NDS National Defense Strategy NMD National Missile Defense NPT Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty NSC National Security Council NSS National Security Strategy OPIC Overseas Private Investment Corporation PBC People’s Bank of China PLA People’s Liberation Army PLAN People’s Liberation Army Navy vii 66559933__WWaarrrreenn aanndd BBaarrttlleeyy__RReessttttiinngg..iinndddd vviiii 0077//1100//2200 33::1166 PPMM U.S. Foreign Policy and China PNAC Project for the New American Century PRC People’s Republic of China PSI Proliferation Security Initiative RIMPAC Rim of the Pacifi c ROKS Republic of Korea Ship S&ED Strategic and Economic Dialogue SCS South China Sea SLOC Sea line of communication SLBM Submarine-launched ballistic missile SME Small and medium-sized enterprise SOE State-owned enterprise THAAD Terminal high-altitude area defense TPP Trans-Pacifi c Partnership TRA Taiwan Relations Act UCESRC U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission UN United Nations UNCLOS United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea UNSC United Nations Security Council UNSCR United Nations Security Council Resolution USNS United States Naval Ship USPACOM United States Pacifi c Command WMD Weapon of mass destruction WTO World Trade Organization XUAR Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region viii 66559933__WWaarrrreenn aanndd BBaarrttlleeyy__RReessttttiinngg..iinndddd vviiiiii 0077//1100//2200 33::1166 PPMM Introduction From the purview of the world outlook in 2001 as George W. Bush stood at the podium to become the forty-third president of the United States, America seemed positioned to experience the extended benefi ts of the unipolar moment. Not simply was the U.S. the world’s pre-eminent military power, the largest economic market, and a source for innovation and leadership, but it was so by a substantive margin. The rise at this time of China, touted by some as the emerging opponent to the liberal world order, was viewed in generally optimistic if not non-perturbed terms. While the challenges of China’s military modernization, its broader territorial claims, and its human rights transgressions were note- worthy, they were also increasingly less worrisome; its military build-up had “been steady, but neither massive nor rapid, nor technologically very impressive.”1 By such measures, and with the manifold challenges of transitioning internal social-economic structures, China was considered to be too weak to confront the U.S. in Asia, and would remain so “well into the twenty-fi rst century.” Meanwhile, the project for “aligning” China with the world’s institutions, entangling the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) within a web of multilateral associations and global economic relationships, seemed poised to offer at least a partial liberal polit- ical awakening.2 In looking back, these assumptions about the many benefi ts of engagement with China appear to have been over-sold, their key precepts seemingly anachronistic even by 2001 standards. Some twenty years into the twenty-fi rst century, the United States and China have become locked within a contest of great-power com- petition. Partial decoupling in select critical technology industries 1 66559933__WWaarrrreenn aanndd BBaarrttlleeyy__RReessttttiinngg..iinndddd 11 0077//1100//2200 33::1166 PPMM
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