City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Projects 5-2015 Undocumented Youth Living Between the Lines: Urban Governance, Social Policy, and the Boundaries of Legality in New York City and Paris Stephen P. Ruszczyk Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work beneft you? Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/1117 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: Undocumented Youth Living Between the Lines: Urban Governance, Social Policy, and the Boundaries of Legality in New York City and Paris by Stephen P. Ruszczyk A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Sociology as partial fulfillment of the requirements for Doctor of Philosophy, The City University of New York 2015 © 2015 STEPHEN P. RUSZCZYK All Rights Reserved ! ""! This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in Sociology in satisfaction of the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Professor Robert C. Smith_______________________ th April 29 , 2015 Robert C. Smith________________________________ Date Chair of Examining Committee Professor Philip Kasinitz________________________ th April 29 , 2015 Philip Kasinitz_________________________________ Date Executive Officer Professor Paul Attewell___________________________ Professor Richard D. Alba_________________________ Professor Nicole P. Marwell_______________________ Supervisory Committee THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK ! """! Abstract Undocumented Youth Living Between the Lines: Urban Governance, Social Policy, and the Boundaries of Legality in New York City and Paris by Stephen Ruszczyk Advisor: Dr. Robert C. Smith This dissertation compares the transition to adulthood of undocumented youth in New York and Paris, along with analysis of the construction of illegality in each city. In both the United States and France, national restrictions against undocumented immigrants increasingly take the form of deportations and limiting access to social rights. New York City and Paris, however, mitigate the national restrictions in important but different ways. They construct “illegality” differently, leading to different young adult outcomes and lived experiences of “illegality.” This project uses seven years of multi-site ethnographic data to trace the effects of these mitigated “illegalities” on two dozen (male) youth. We can begin to understand the variation in these undocumented young men’s social lives within and between cities by centering on (1) governance structure, the labyrinth of obtaining rights associated with citizenship, (2) citizenship, the possibility of gaining a legal status, steered in particular by civil society actors, and (3) identity, here centered on youths’ negotiation of social mobility with the fear of enforcement. Biographical narratives show the shifts in social memberships as youth transition to new countries, new restrictions at adulthood, and new, limiting work. In New York, most social prospects are flattened as future possibilities are whittled down to ones focusing on family and wages. Undocumented status propels New York informants into ! "#! an accelerated transition to adulthood, as they take on adult responsibilities of work, paying bills, and developing families. In Paris, youth experience more divergent processes of transitioning to adulthood. Those who are more socially integrated use a civil society actor to garner a (temporary) legal status, which does not lead to work opportunities. Those who are less socially integrated face isolation as they wait to gain status and access to better jobs. Paris undocumented youth are thus characterized by a decelerated transition to adulthood as most lack sufficient resources for adult responsibilities. The comparison of Paris and New York shows how different institutional, social, and political contexts—including different systems of state and local governance, political culture and labor market characteristics—produce specific contours of social life for undocumented youth, with varying outcomes. Using boundary theory to represent these different socio-legal and socio-economic contexts over time, we see the more flexible regularization practices in Paris helping youth cross the legal boundary but remaining stratified vis-à-vis the social boundary. With a low deportation risk, New York’s legal boundary is blurred. Federal restrictions, however, mean youth also end up stratified vis-à-vis the social boundary. A key difference, however, lies in the family and romantic relationship benefits of available low-end work in New York. ! #! Acknowledgements This dissertation is dedicated to all of the admirable young men and women, and others like them, who have shared their stories and lives with me over the past seven years. I find their quotidian strength to superar [overcome] in the face of legal and social hurdles most impressive. The inspiration I have taken from them has been continually refreshed as I revisit and re-read my notes, and will not end with this dissertation. This ethnographic, longitudinal, and comparative project could not have been broached without an incredible array of steady intellectual, emotional, and financial support. In addition to the extensive guidance each of my Committee members has imparted, their personal support has been equally as important. At the Graduate Center, I would like to single out Robert C. Smith for the myriad lessons he has taught me since 2008. Your faith in the (eventual) strength of this project has been crucial to my confidence in carrying it out. Your feedback has consistently been insightful. At my most stressed, you always managed to elicit a laugh, reminding me to appreciate the human and the academic joys of these graduate school years. Richard Alba has been helping me before I even met him, letting me into an overbooked course with him in 2008. Without the three foundational courses you taught, my path would have been much more winding and lengthy. Your long-view wisdom and comparative expertise, and occasional chuckle, have kept my spirit in good condition during the past seven years. Paul Attewell has often been a second advisor to me. After teaching two classes and working together on two projects, your endless curiosity and standards of hard work ! #"! have pushed me to new limits. Your selfless willingness to mentor me has left a lasting impression. Thank you. Nicole Marwell has been instrumental in broadening my vision of how power works. Your friendly and disciplined dialogue steadied me during times when I felt conceptually lost. Your influence on this and another project is plain to see. I also tell people that I have benefited from an honorary committee. Nancy Foner, John Mollenkopf, Bryan Turner, and Phil Kasinitz have generously provided essential foundations and extra support on comparative immigration studies, urban politics, citizenship, and urban studies, respectively. Thank you to Anna Hofmann, Jane Bartels, and Christina Sietz at the Zeit Stiftung Settling Into Motion Program for the financial and logistical support, and to my colleagues for their support. I have been lucky to have received advice and direction from Joanna Dreby, Roberto Gonzales, Ernesto Castañeda, Els de Graauw, and Veronica Terriquez; thank you for your mentorship. Nathan Warner and Koby Oppenheim have worked back and forth with me from the big ideas to the nuts and bolts, many, many times, and often with little turnaround time. Thank you for the consistently helpful feedback on this and other work. I have presented several papers to members of the Immigration Working Group, and have gained in confidence and smarts from their feedback. This project would not have been possible without a long list of non-academics. My work began inspired by the students and staff at EBC and FDR High Schools. Those in Paris made me feel at home and inspired me in a personal and civic manner. I count ! #""! myself lucky to have crossed paths with many members of RESF, but especially Jean- Pierre Fournier, Brigitte Weiser, and Marianne Cabaret-Rossi. Other groups welcomed me, including RESF 20ème, RESF JM, Autremonde, Archipélia, and Relais Ménilmontant. Doing a comparative project would not have been possible without your daily teachings. Several professors in France generously gave their time and energy to helping me develop the French case. Above all, the work and personal support of Patrick Simon and Smaïn Laacher helped me, beginning in 2010. Nicolas Jounin, Catherine Wihtol de Wenden, Marie Têtu-Delage, Johanna Siméant, and the doctoral students of the Atelier Migrations of the EHESS also generously gave me needed feedback. Thank you to the Americhs for teaching me French back in the 1990s. Last but certainly not least, thank you to my wife for your love, your emotional and intellectual support, and being understanding of my (temporary, right?) lack of free time as I’ve completed this project. Esther, I do not overlook your daily support without which I could not have completed this project. My nearly thirty years of studying began with the devotion and social justice orientation of my parents and sisters and the support of many smart, generous friends. Thank you Christian Siener for your old computer! To acknowledge everyone that has helped me in this project would require a full chapter. Thank you to all the hands that have pushed this collective project forward. ! #"""! Table of Contents Abstract iv Acknowledgements vi List of Tables, Figures, and Appendices xii Chapter 1: Introduction: How Do Governance and Citizenship Structure 1 Undocumented Youth in New York and Paris? Part One: Individual Agency in Case Study Comparisons 41 Chapter 2: Shifting Aspirations for Undocumented Youth: Legal Status, 43 Romantic Relationships, and Transnational Resources CHAPTER 3: 85 Through the Bureaucratic Woods: The Impact of “Illegality” on the Family, School, and Work Opportunities of Three Young Sans- Papiers in Paris Part Two: Within-City and Between-City Variation on Integration 132 CHAPTER 4: Transition to Adulthood for Undocumented Mexican Youth in New 134 York: Assessing the Multiple Effects of “Illegality” CHAPTER 5: 170 Serving Time in Bureaucratic Purgatory: The Transition to Adulthood of Undocumented Youth in Paris CHAPTER 6: 208 Comparing the Undocumented Youth in New York and Paris Part Three: Local Contexts and Governance of Citizenship 242 CHAPTER 7: 244 Marginalized Inclusion: Governance of Work, Family Life, and Housing of Young Undocumented Mexicans in New York CHAPTER 8: 282 Passage through Purgatory in Paris: How RESF Enables the Political Incorporation of Undocumented Youth in Paris ! 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