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Stuart Shapiro Trump and the Bureaucrats The Fate of Neutral Competence Trump and the Bureaucrats Stuart Shapiro Trump and the Bureaucrats The Fate of Neutral Competence Stuart Shapiro Bloustein School of Planning and Policy Rutgers New Brunswick, NJ, USA ISBN 978-3-031-22078-4 ISBN 978-3-031-22079-1 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-22079-1 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland Acknowledgments A book like this is impossible to write without a great deal of help. I am indebted to James Pfiffner and several anonymous reviewers who reviewed portions of this work. Seth Shapiro and Obiageli Agbu provided valuable research and writing assistance. And of course, my family was endlessly patient as I retreated to a private room and asked them to be quiet while I conducted interviews via Zoom. Most importantly, I owe an incalculable debt to the 50 individuals who took time out of their busy days to speak with me. Many of them also overcame an initial reluctance to speak with me and were forthright and open. There wasn’t an inter- view that I conducted where I didn’t learn something new. I constantly felt the need to broaden my lens of inquiry, as the civil servants I spoke with offered insights that I had not previously considered. The book evolved considerably during the research process (as good research should) and the credit for that goes to the people I spoke with. v Contents 1 The Appeal of Neutral Competence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Politics and Administration: Neutrality and Competence . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Competence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 Neutrality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 Non-academic Perspectives on Bureaucratic Neutrality (and Competence) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 What Has Changed? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 2 Where to Find Neutral Competence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 OMB, CBO, and GAO . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 The Office of Management and Budget . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22 The Congressional Budget Office . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 The Government Accountability Office . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24 Other Executive Branch Agencies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 Talking to Agency Officials . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 3 The Office of Management and Budget: When Responsive Competence Isn’t Enough . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31 The History of BoB/OMB . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32 OMB’s Structure and People . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 The Perspective of OMB Employees . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 Competence at OMB . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 Neutrality at OMB . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 OMB Under Trump . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46 Ukraine, Schedule F, and Neutral Competence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49 4 Congressional Budget Office: Wonks Protected by Congressional Committees . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51 A Brief History of Neutral Competence at CBO . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52 CBO’s Nature, Structure, and People . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56 vii viii Contents The Perspective of CBO Employees . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59 Competence at CBO . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60 Neutrality at CBO . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63 Challenges of Polarization and the Trump Era . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66 5 The Government Accountability Office: Redefining But Maintaining Neutral Competence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69 The History of GAO . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70 GAO’s Structure and People . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76 The Perspective of GAO Employees. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79 Competence at GAO . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80 Neutrality at GAO . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82 Challenges of Polarization and the Trump Era . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87 6 The Economic Research Service: Attacking Neutral Competence by Going Around the Rules . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89 The History of the ERS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 90 The Move to Kansas City . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93 Neutral Competence at ERS and the Move to Kansas City . . . . . . . . . . 94 Neutrality and Competence at ERS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94 Perspectives on the Move to Kansas City . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97 7 The Four Ps of Protecting Neutral Competence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99 People Who Create and Lead Neutral Competent Agencies . . . . . . . . . . 100 Procedural Protections for Neutral Competence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102 Political Support . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104 The Paradox of Proximity to Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107 OMB . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107 ERS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108 CBO and GAO . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109 8 The State and Fate of Neutral Competence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111 The State of Neutral Competence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 112 The Fate of Neutral Competence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117 Final Thoughts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123 Appendix: Interview Script . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125 Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127 About the Author Stuart Shapiro is a professor and Interim Dean at Bloustein School of Planning and Policy at Rutgers University (USA). Dr. Shapiro received his PhD in public policy from Harvard University, Kennedy School of Government. Prior to joining Rutgers, he worked at the Office of Management and Budget under Presidents Clinton and George W. Bush. Dr. Shapiro teaches classes in economics, public policy, and poli- tics. He has written three books and published numerous articles in law reviews, political science journals, public administration journals, and several others. He writes op-eds for The Hill and occasionally other news sites and has been quoted in the popular press extensively. ix Chapter 1 The Appeal of Neutral Competence What do we want from our federal bureaucracy? On the one hand, we want them to have the knowledge to do their jobs and serve elected leaders effectively. We also want them to do so in a way that their personal biases don’t influence the decisions those leaders make. But that sounds like an almost impossible combination to real- ize in practice. Deciding which information to present to leaders, how to frame that information, and what to recommend could all easily be affected by personal prefer- ences. And as the questions involved in governance have become increasingly com- plex, political leaders simply depend more than ever on the career officials underneath them. The question of how to structure the relationship between high-level bureaucrats and their political bosses is far from a new one. Scholars of public administration in the United States have struggled with it for more than a century. Before becoming president, Woodrow Wilson wrote what would become one of the most famous articles in the field of public administration. Entitled “The Study of Administration” and written in 1887, the article has been subject to many interpretations regarding the relative roles of politics and administration within government. More recent work has focused on the “public service bargains” (Hood and Lodge 2006) that political leaders and administrators make to arrange the provision of expertise and the exercise of influence. Never have these questions in the United States been framed as loudly and pub- licly as they were during the presidency of Donald Trump. While numerous presi- dential candidates have run for office as “outsiders” or pledging to clean up Washington DC, none have done so with the ferocity of Trump. Saying he would “drain the swamp,” he pledged to bring a businessman’s perspective to the executive branch of government. But while serving as president he was continually frustrated by agencies such as the FBI and the State Department. Trump clearly came into office expecting the executive branch to bend to his will. And when it didn’t, his © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 1 S. Shapiro, Trump and the Bureaucrats, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-22079-1_1 2 1 The Appeal of Neutral Competence supporters continually bemoaned the “deep state.” Even after leaving office, he has pledged that should he return he will purge the federal bureaucracy.1 There is a persistent gap between the public understanding of the role of the federal bureaucracy and the scholarly literature on it. That gap has only grown larger in recent years and will likely continue to do so in the wake of Trump’s presidency. Much of the debate over Wilson’s early work has focused on the politics- administration dichotomy, the idea that it is the job of political leaders to set the direction of policy and the job of administrators to figure out the most efficient way to carry out this policy. Most (but not all; see Overeem (2008)) recent scholarship argues that this is not what Wilson (or other early public administration scholars) meant and that he simply wanted to divorce partisanship, not policy-making from administration (Svara 2001). But political rhetoric, and, to a large degree, public perception, surrounding the bureaucracy hews much closer to an older interpretation of Wilson’s work. The public believes that bureaucrats are there to carry out the decisions made by elected officials. Anything beyond that is an usurpation of the democratic process.2 In that sense, the public seems to agree with the idea of “neutral competence.” Bureaucrats should be good at their jobs but should be neutral with regard to policy. That bureau- crats should exhibit neutral competence has been described as the “corollary” of the politics-administration dichotomy (Skelley 2008). Meanwhile, while there have been extensive theoretical debates in the public administration literature, there has been significantly less work on how bureaucrats view their own role particularly as it pertains to neutral competence. What does competence mean to them? Do they see themselves as “neutral,” and if so, what does neutral mean to them? How have these views changed during the Trump era when their role has been attacked as never before? Understanding how bureaucrats in Washington view themselves is a crucial component to understanding their role and its relationship to policy-making. This book is an attempt to begin to address these questions. How do the ideas of neutrality and competence (and in a sense the politics-administration dichotomy) hold up in a unique era? How do members of agencies typically seen as the most neutral see their role, and how have they seen it change over the past decades? In particular, was the Trump Administration a continuation of longstanding trends or a dramatic change? Have we moved toward the public’s view of neutral competence or the academic view? After spending the first 2 chapters of this book discussing the idea of neutral competence, I will turn to 50 interviews with federal officials con- ducted in 2021 and 2022 to try better understand where the idea of neutral compe- tence stands in post-Trump America. 1 See https://www.govexec.com/workforce/2022/03/trump-threatening-return-and-expansion- schedule-f/363145/ (last viewed March 18, 2022) and https://www.axios.com/2022/07/22/trump- 2025-radical-plan-second-term (last viewed July 25, 2022). 2 See https://fivethirtyeight.com/features/americans-are-skeptical-of-the-government-exceptwhen- theres-a-crisis/  (last viewed July 25, 2022)

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