Translation and Stereotypes as Cultural Facts

16 Pages·0.062 MB·English

by  Garcés Carmen Valero.

TBarbaenl s4l8a:4ti 2o8n9 –a3n04d ©S Fteédréeroattiyopne Isn tearsn aCtiounlatuler daels FTraacdtuscteurs (FIT) Revue Babel 289
Translation and Stereotypes as Cultural Facts
A Case Study, AIDS and the Latino Community in the USA
Carmen Valero Garcés
1. Translation and Culture
Living in a world with different cultures means developing different ways of
seeing the world as cultures are made up of different beliefs and value
systems, literary and linguistic conventions, as well as social and moral
norms that differ from( cea)c hJ oothhern; o rB ine Sncjharömedeinr’ss (1991: 27) words, our
‘natural’ ways of seeing the world and our ‘verities’ do not coincide.
Delivered by Ingenta
Cultures, then, are complex networks that affect cross-communication.
on: Sat, 18 Nov 2006 00:56:38
When adopting a target-oriented approach, it is the target language that
sthoap:e sU thne itvraensrlsatiiotyn. Ian tT oIlulriyn’so wisor das t( 1U99r5b: 2a5n), ath-eC fuhncatiomn, pthae ipgrond-
uct, and the process of tIraPns:l a1tin3g0 ar.e1 a2ll 6in.fl3ue2nc.e1d3 by the target culture, and
the products (TTs) reflect their own constellations. There are, however, other
factors that affect translation as we will see later. Let us first analyse the
factors considered by Toury.
In the case of the analysed materials (translated brochures on AIDS), the
function — Toury’s first factor — was to fill a gap for the ethnic minorities
(in this case Latinos) within a dominant culture (American culture): When
AIDS became a main issue in the early 1980s, informative campaigns were
all over the world. In the USA, obviously, the materials were originally in
English, but soon the government felt it was necessary to make sure that the
information reached all groups in their multicultural society. Hence, some
information was translated for the major ethnic minorities in the USA (His-
panic, Russian, Hmong, etc.).
As for the second factor — the product — the result was the production
of translated brochures with some differences in content and layout with
respect to the source texts.
290 Carmen Valero Garcés
As for the third factor — the process — the translation of brochures was
obviously influenced by factors such as the attitude that the initiator of the
translation process had towards the receptors, and the fact that translation was
considered a minor activity in the USA, which obviously could affect the
agent’s task. In the following pages I will explore these two last elements.
2. Contextualisation: Stereotypical Attitudes Towards Latinos in the
Anglo-American Culture
Assuming that translations are cultural facts of the Translation Culture (TC),
and also that the texts are produced in a dominant culture for a dominated
one, we can hypothesise that there will be some differences between the
source texts (ST) and the translated texts (TT), and that some of these
differences will be due to the dominant culture’s attitude towards the domi-
nated one. In other words, the position and function of the texts regarded as
translations will be influenced by stereotypical attitudes towards Latinos in
(c) John Benjamins
the Anglo-American culture.
Delivered by Ingenta
This conception will impose certain constraints that affect real-life situa-
tions. These oconns:t rSainatst ,d e1riv8e fNroom vth e2 i0m0pl6ica t0io0ns: 5of6 fa:c3to8rs such as the
etxois:te Uncen oifv deifrfserietnyt laantg uIalgliens oanids c ualttu rUes ribn aa mnualt-icCulhturaalm sopciaetyig, tnhe
relationships between dominant and dominated cultures, the different socio-
IP: 130.126.32.13
economical status of both cultures, the rapid increase of the Hispanic minor-
ity, and the way AIDS has affected this population. Obviously, such factors
can influence the translational behaviour. As a way to show such influence I
will analyse these attitudes.
Let me start by saying that the term ‘stereotype’ is often linked with the
term ‘prejudice’, by which it acquires a negative connotation. Schröeder
(1991: 27) defines stereotypes as subconscious, deeply rooted judgements/
prejudices specific to certain groups. He also adds: “In so far as these
attitudes or prejudices have a generally collective character, [they] are emo-
tionally charged and overgeneralized and do not or only partially correspond
to the facts.”
Whether what Schröeder says is true or not, their use and/or interpreta-
tion may lead to different target texts, which are caused not only by language
differences but more importantly by cultural differences which are usually
manifested on the level of contextualisation cues. Gender-based attitudes
towards sexuality and the rapid increase of Latino population in the USA are
the two cues I will explore.
Translation and Stereotypes as Cultural Facts 291
When talking about Latino sexuality, there are two different gender-
based attitudes. These different attitudes (about men and women), based on
the concepts of machismo and marianismo, form the basis of how Latinos are
viewed. Machismo is the cult of the male and male sexist behaviour (Wattley
1993: 3) while marianismo (the counterpart to machismo) exalts chastity and
promotes raising girls to be subservient and to cater to males, which means
that, in Feldman’s (1990: 116) words, “A Latina woman centers her life on
her husband and children, avoids sensuality, and is uncomfortable with
sexual issues.”
With respect to marianismo, there is another opposing view given by
Hooper (1995: 165–166), who points out that “[…] Latino society has di-
vided women into whores and madonnas not just in theory but in practice.”
This distinction between mother and mistress is also made evident in how the
language is used. For example, we see this distinction in the two common
slang expressions hijo de puta (‘son of a whore’), considered a serious insult,
and de puta madre (‘whore-motherish’) meaning ‘great’, ‘super’, ‘fantastic’.
(c) John Benjamins
Hooper, in an attempt to explain the meaning of these expressions, concludes
Delivered by Ingenta
that, for Latinos, the allegation in hijo de puta, that one’s own mother might
be a whore, iso innto: leSraablte,, b1ut8 th eN abostvra c2t n0o0tio6n o0f 0a w:5om6a:n3 c8ombining both
etroot:ic Uannd imvaeterrnsailt qyu aalitti eIsl lisin neoviesrt haelte sUs throbuaghnt tao -bCe hhigahlmy apppaeiaglinng.
Such a traditionalist point of view constitutes an overgeneralisation that may
IP: 130.126.32.13
be only applicable to some circles or it simply constitutes a stereotype.
Whether this distinction is still true or not at the beginning of the 21st
century, it is worth noting that these stereotypes about the sexuality of Latino
women form part of the Anglo-American concept of that culture, as inter-
views with representatives of the American culture reveal. The expressions
mentioned before also constitute a good example of the fact that language is
culture. They also lead us to speculate that these attitudes will affect the TTs
in regard to the treatment of specific topics. Thus, as a consequence of these
feelings — and from the Anglo-Saxon perception of Latinos — for women,
raising issues of sexuality is not only to challenge male authority, but also to
put their reputations as women on the line and to risk being perceived as
“loose” or “immoral.” Also, from this perspective, Latino women may be
reluctant to talk about AIDS and sexual relationships, while the Anglo-
Americans will presumably be able to talk about these topics more openly
because gender-sexual stereotypes are not so strongly marked in their society.
This difference in sex-role behaviour is also influenced by some other
292 Carmen Valero Garcés
factors such as their lower level of educational and economical power,
different degrees of acculturation, access to economic and educational oppor-
tunities, and the presence or absence of role models (the family, the couple,
the mother).
The rising interest in Latinos, not really a minority if compared with other
ethnic groups, provides another cue for contextualization. Census reports and
demographic projections show that the nation’s Hispanic population is in-
creasing at a rate five times faster than that of the general population. In 1995
the Hispanic population exceded 26 million accounting for over 10% of the US
population. The Census Bureau estimates that within the next eight years this
number will grow to over 36 million. By the year 2050, the Hispanic popula-
tion is expected to reach over 96 million or 24.5 % of the total US population
— even exceeding of African-Americans by the end of the century. The
recognition of this tendency led Rodriguez (1988: 84) more than a decade ago
to see Hispanics as the “cultural ingredients” of a purportedly pluralist melting-
pot cuisine, ‘the salsa that adds “color and spirit” to good old American home
(c) John Benjamins
cooking’. Such a tendency has continued to grow and is made evident in some
Delivered by Ingenta
‘official’ circles where anything with Hispanic connotations seems to consti-
tute an attracotivne: pSackaatg,e 1fo8r t hNe oAmve r2ic0an0 c6ul t0ur0e. :A5s6 a: 3res8ult, nowadays
at ohi:g hU pnroipvoertirosni toyf tahet AIlmlineriocains paopt uUlatriobn ahnasa h-eCardh aabmoutp Aanitgonnio
Banderas’s success in Hollywood, Ricky Martin’s or Gloria Estefan’s music,
IP: 130.126.32.13
has tried some kind of Mexican food in a Taco Bell restaurant, or has enjoyed
the dancing and rhythm of la bamba or el merengue.
The increase of Latino population also indicated the need to incorporate
new measures to break the communication barriers which still exist today.
Thus hospitals are increasingly adding interpreters to their staffing needs and
producing not only bilingual materials but also materials produced originally
in Spanish, an example being the campaign sponsored by the U.S. Depart-
ment of Health and Human Services for the production of materials on AIDS
and the creation of a database, which contained more than 50 titles in 1997.1
The need to produce bilingual materials or materials directly in Spanish
was also considered a main task mostly by ethnic associations and non-
governmental agencies (NGAs). Thus, Juhasz (1995: 23) emphasises that
“We have found over the course of the AIDS crisis that education is most
effective when it comes from, and it is made specifically for, the diverse
communities who most need to be addressed”.
Jane Delgado (1995: 24), president of the National Coalition of His-
Translation and Stereotypes as Cultural Facts 293
panic Health and Human Service Organizations, adds: “We don’t believe in
translations,” and after a whole chapter devoted to the necessity for minority
communities to educate themselves, she concludes that “AIDS prevention
can only be effective if it changes people’s sexual behavior. In the Third
World, and among ethnic minorities in the North, this is unlikely to happen if
AIDS education is perceived to emanate from the predominantly white,
relatively privileged, outside establishment.”
Also Shiraz (1996: 160), when talking about AIDS prevention for the
migrant Latino farmworkers, writes that “The overwhelming majority of
migrant Latino farmworkers are not fluent in English and have low functional
literacy in Spanish. Moreover, typical didactic educational materials (in
English or Spanish) that prescribe ‘dos and don’ts’ have little effect on this
group since the information presented often is not culturally appropriate,
sensitive, or comprehensible.”
Two different attitudes that still persist in the USA come from what it has
been said: on the one hand, ethnic associations and NGAs produce materials
(c) John Benjamins
by and for specific minorities, and on the other hand, the government repre-
Delivered by Ingenta
sentatives and associated agencies produce mostly translated materials.
Exampleos nof: tShea fitr,s t 1at8tit uNdeo avre 2th0e 0pr6od u0ct0io:n5s 6of: 3in8formative bro-
cthour:e sU inn Sipvaenisrhs, iotry s toaryt bIolloikns oanids r aadito Ushorwbsa suncah a-sC Thhraeem mepn awiitghonut
borders/Tres hombres sin fronteras as part of the HIV Prevention Educational
IP: 130.126.32.13
Programs for Farmworkers, or even the production of some educational
bilingual videos such as Mi hermano/My Brother (Edgar Michael Bravo,
American Red Cross, 1990, 30 min,); El abrazo/The Embrace (Diana Coyat,
Pregones, 1990, 30 min.); or AIDS in the barrio/ Eso no me pasa a mi (Frances
Negron, Peter Biella et al. 1990, 30 min.), which include discussions about
AIDS and interpersonal relationships, evoking the idioms, fashions, attitudes,
and environments of the communities they attempt to represent and educate,
imitating a soap opera format.
Examples of the second attitude are the production of translated material,
marking differences based on stereotypes. In this sense what Ramirez (1997:
108) writes about stereotypes can be applied. For him “a stereotype is an over-
simplification, (…) a generalization used by one group (the IN-group, the
USA in this case) about members of another group (the OUT-group, the
Latino community), and the generalization is not a flattering one. (….)”.
According to him, “ethnocentric prejudice is a factor for this category-
making: The fact that the IN-group transforms the OUT-group into simplistic
294 Carmen Valero Garcés
symbols by selecting a few traits of the Others that pointedly accentuate
differences.” And, as he concludes, these negative-value differences form the
basis for making Others inferior thus excluding them from the IN-group.
A way of exclusion is to provide translated texts in which the addition
and/or omission of specific information about AIDS, sexual practices and
prevention is used to mark differences between the dominant and the domi-
nated cultures, marginalising the Others (Latinos) and stressing differences.
The agent of the translation (the translator), — also connected with the
fact that the activity of translation itself is considered a minor one in the USA
—, may have some influence on the production of the texts. As Toury
(1995: 29) points out, “It shouldn’t be assumed that the identity of the
(sub)culture which hosts an assumed translation is known just because one
knows what language it is formulated in”, or even because one belongs to that
culture. This is the case of the AIDS materials translated into Spanish for the
Latino community: Being able to read Spanish is not enough to translate the
text, as there are some cultural traditions that affect the way that Latino
(c) John Benjamins
people see the world (e.g. the idea of machismo), and the way they use the
Delivered by Ingenta
language (conversational topics about sexual practices, use of slang terms
related to sexouanli:ty S, etac.t),. 18 Nov 2006 00:56:38
to:T Uhenrefiovree, resveinty sh aaritn gI ltlhien toraidsit ioants aUs ar bmaemnbaer -oCf thhea Lmatinpoa cuigltunre
does not guarantee that the product will fullfil the intended function. That is,
IP: 130.126.32.13
the host culture produces texts in English and the ethnic minority receives the
information which the dominant culture considers appropriate in Spanish. If
we accept that culture affects any manifestation, say the production of texts,
translation being a type of production, the products will obviously be differ-
ent. Some of these differences can be found in the analysis of materials
produced by the government or government-related agencies.
3. Strategies Used in the Textual-linguistic Make up of the TTs
Once the TTs have been contextualised, the next step is to analyse the
relationships between the ST and the TT, and to uncover the regularities
which mark the relationships between function, product, and process as
exemplified in Figure 1:
Translation and Stereotypes as Cultural Facts 295
The (prospective) systemic position & function of a translation
⇓ determines
its appropriate surface realization (= textual-linguistic make-up)
⇓ governs
the strategies whereby a target text (or parts thereof)
is derived from its original, and hence the
relationships which hold them together.
Figure 1. The relation between function, product and process in translation (Toury
1995: 13)
As for the first level — the position and function of the TTs on AIDS for the
Latino community in the USA — I have mentioned that the materials were to
fill an information gap on AIDS, and that I expected the American attitude
towards the Latino minority would produce some differences between the ST
and the TT. Such differences constitute deviation, or degrees of deviation,
that can be regarded not only as justifiable or even acceptable, but actually
(c) John Benjamins
preferable from the American culture perspective. And such deviation shows
Delivered by Ingenta
the variability that characterised any translation from a descriptive translation
on: Sat, 18 Nov 2006 00:56:38
perspective (DTS, Descriptive Translation Studies, Leuven group). The de-
vtioat:io nU imnpivliees rdsififteyre nacets Ialclrionsso ciuslt uarets ,U varrbiataionn awi-tChinh thaem cupltuarei,g annd
change over time (TourIyP 1:9 9153: 301.)1. W2h6e.n3 re2fe.r1ri3ng to variability between
ST and the TTs, this variability is connected with the strategies adopted by
translators, and hence, with the surface realisations of TTs and their relation-
ships to the sources, affecting one or more levels.
Starting with the observables, that is the translated utterances themselves
along with their constituents (second level of the above diagram), the linguis-
tic strategies used to produce the appropriate surface realisation can be
summarised as follows: 1. Addition of information; 2. Adaptation of informa-
tion; 3. Omission of information; 4. Changes in the use of technical terms,
abbreviations and acronyms. An example of the different strategies used in
those parts of the STs which need (re)construction before the product can be
submitted to the new readers (Toury’s second level) and a possible explana-
tion of the deviation will follow.
As for other extralinguistic strategies used in the make-up of the text, the
following can be mentioned: changes in the use of fonts and letter sizes;
different ways of emphasising and highlighting, and some differences in
format and layout.
296 Carmen Valero Garcés
The last point (the third level) is the reconstruction of the non-obser-
vables at their root with special attention given to the processes whereby they
came into being within the contextualised situation explained before.
The strategies used and the examples are as follows:
3.1. Addition
Addition of information takes place mostly when referring to specific topics
such as sexual relations, women and norms of hygiene as in Example 1. All
these topics are related to culture and tradition. Thus, in the following
example taken from a brochure produced by the Department of Health and
Human Services, more explicit information is incorporated in the Spanish
text when talking about prevention and AIDS, and a note between brackets
calling attention to the fact that this is not a common conversational topic
makes the text even more emphatic and leads us to speculate about the
influence of stereotypical attitudes as these topics are considered almost
(c) John Benjamins
taboo in the Latino culture.
Delivered by Ingenta
The best ways to prevent HIV infection La forma más eficaz de prevenir la
on: Sat, 18 Nov 2006 00:56:38
are: transmisión sexual del VIH es no tener
toDo: nUot nhaivve esexr.s Yoituy ca na gte tI ilnlfiencteodis atr eUlacriobneas nseaxu-aClesh. aSi mdepcidae igtenner
from even one sexual experience. relaciones sexuales, lo siguiente puede
IP: 130.126.32.13
reducir el riesgo de infección con una
persona que no esté infectada y que a su
vez solo mantenga relaciones sexuales
con usted y no comparta agujas o
jeringas con nadie (Recuerde que es
difícil saber estas cosas sobre otra per-
sona.)2
Other texts in which more explicit information is found in the TC can be
significant instances of target-oriented products as well as instances of the
manipulation of stereotypes and attitudes towards the intended readership.
This is the case of Example 2 in which we find addition of information related
to the use of condoms. This is one of the main recommendations made to
prevent AIDS, but it was often ignored by the Latino community because of
the Latino males´ attitude (machismo).
Translation and Stereotypes as Cultural Facts 297
How to use condoms (rubbers) Instrucciones para el uso del condón
Use only condoms made of latex rub- (preservativo, profiláctico)
ber. Use un condón que sea de látex.
Store condoms in a cool, dry place out Guarde los condones en un lugar fres-
of the sun. co y seco, fuera del calor y del sol.
Use a new condom for each act of sex. Use un condón de látex nuevo cada
Put on the condom before any genital vez que tenga relaciones sexuales.
contact. Verifique la fecha de vencimiento del
condón. No lo use si está vencido, amari-
llento, pegajosos o quebradizo.
Tenga cuidado de no dañar el condón
con las uñas, dientes o algún objeto cor-
tante.
Ponga el condón cuando el pene esté
erecto y antes de cualquier contacto
vaginal, oral o anal.3
Thus, there are some TT segments that match segments of the ST, but
(c) John Benjamins
there are also segments that do not have a “surface” (text-linguistic) corre-
spondence. This is thDe ecalsiev oef rtehed l abst yfi vIen lginees nint athe above example. A
possible exploannat:i oSn caotu,ld 1 b8e r eNlatoedv t o2 t0he0 A6m e0ri0ca:n5 s6ter:e3ot8ypical attitude
of exacerbating machismo. Machismo has frequently been mentioned creat-
to: University at Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
ing obstacles to the use of barrier methods of protection by Latino males. The
IP: 130.126.32.13
use of condoms, for example, has often been perceived as unromantic,
romance being culturally linked to impregnation and virility. Such explana-
tions shed light on the problems of how the text is created.
3.2. Adaptation
The adaptation of the information to the specific situation of the TC is another
strategy in the analysed materials. Thus, in the following example, we find a
change in the order in which the information is given.
What can I do to help? ¿Qué puedo hacer para ayudar?
– Sponsor an AIDS fund-raising event – Trabaje como voluntario.
or donate money. – Auspicie un evento para recaudar fon-
– Become a Red Cross HIV/AIDS in- dos o, si puede, done dinero.
structor – Conviértase en instructor sobre el VIH/
– Volunteer SIDA de la Cruz Roja.4
298 Carmen Valero Garcés
As for an explanation that fits into the contextualisation in which the text
is produced, the example shows that the agent of the translation was sensitive
to the TC and rearranged the information in a more realistic way, taking into
account that the socio-economic power and the educational level of the
minority group is lower than that of the members of the dominant culture.
Nevertheless, such a strategy is not always observed and one of the most
common complaints about the efficiency of AIDS campaigns refers to the
lack of adaptation not only of the materials but also of the means, lifestyle,
attitudes and questions related to the audience such as appropriate language,
graphic style, literacy level and circulation for different “markets” of AIDS
information and so on. Jose Gutierrez-Gomez and Jose Vergelin (in Juhasz,
A. 1995: 24), producers of the educational AIDS video Ojos que no ven
(1987), write:
“Effective AIDS education directed at minorities requires a show-and-tell
medium that can also role model positive behaviour change while reflecting
the language, cu(lctur)e , Janod hlifnest yBle eofn thjea tamrgeitn ausdience…. Government
agencies will often translate materials in order to save money and the result
is, almost inevDitabelyl, iav ueserleessd on eb. Pye oIpnle gsimepnly tcaannot relate what they
are being taught (to their lives), and the educational message falls on deaf
on: Sat, 18 Nov 2006 00:56:38
ears.”
to: University at Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Such an attitude will prevent the production of meaningless and uneffi-
IP: 130.126.32.13
cient texts as the one that follows:
I worry about my friends. One guy I Me preocupan mis amigos. Un mucha-
know was pretty serious with someone cho que conozco estaba bastante
and eventually had sex without a condom. serio con alguien y finalmente tuvo rela-
I called him, and we had a long talk about ciones sexuales sin condón. Yo lo llamé y
taking chances. I told him he’s crazy to tuvimos una larga conversación acerca
gamble with his life. With AIDS around, del riesgo que tomó. Yo le dije que era
it’s better to be safe than sorry. una locura jugar con su vida. Con el
SIDA que anda, es mejor estar sano y
salvo ahora que apenado después.
3.3. Omission
There are also cases in which some information is omitted in the TC as, for
example, a map of the USA with information about cases of HIV in different
states as well as a graph about the estimated number of cases for the year
2000. We can speculate with the belief that the information may be too