Towards a Critical Reading of Father S. Manrique's Account o

20 Pages·2005·0.16 MB·English

Jacques P. Leider
Tilling the Lord’s Vineyard and Defending Portuguese Interests:
Towards a Critical Reading of Father S. Manrique’s Account of
Arakan
The first volume of the Itinerario de las Arakanese governor in Chittagong, thought to
missiones orientales written by the be hostile to their community. Manrique spent
Augustin monk Fray Sebastião Manrique is one close to six years in Arakan at a time when the
of only a few pre-nineteenth century western kingdom had reached the zenith of its political
accounts of the Buddhist kingdom of Arakan and military power.
or Rakhaing (known as Yakhai in Siamese During the first decades of the 15th century,
chronicles, as Roshanga in Bengali poetry and Arakan had merely been a battle ground for
as Rakhine in Myanmar/Burma)1. A first rival Mon and Burmese armies. But after the
edition of the Itinerario, written after 1642, was foundation of Mrauk U in 1430, the Arakan
published in Rome in 1649. It was followed by strengthened their resources and steadily
a second edition in 16532. Most later European expanded their territory to the south (Sandoway)
accounts on Arakan were based on Manrique’s and the north-west (Ramu). Under the reign of
narrative. Clemente Tosi literally copied King Minba (1531-1553), Arakan successfully
Manrique’s text in his Dell’ India orientale defended itself against a Burmese invasion
descrittione geographica et historica (Rome, (1545/1546) and even occupied Chittagong
1669). Thomas Salmon, an 18th century for a few years. The loss of a strong central
compiler of travel accounts, put into an authority in Bengal following the Mughal
encyclopaedic order the information found in conquest of 1576 and the decline of the Toungoo
Manrique and made it accessible to a larger empire in Myanmar after 1580 created a chance
public3. for further expansion. Probably around 1578,
In 1629, Sebastião Manrique came to Mrauk the Arakanese King Min Phalaung (1571-1593)
U, the capital of Arakan, as an envoy of the put his hold on Chittagong, the former Bengal
resident Portuguese of Dianga (a suburb of the port that remained under Arakan’s sway until
port of Chittagong in southeast Bengal). They 1666. Min Phalaung and his two successors
felt threatened by the appointment of a new fought seemingly endless wars to extend
Journal of the Siam Society 90.1 & 2 (2002) 39
03 P 39-58 39 8/8/05, 14:41
40 JACQUES P. LEIDER
Arakanese domination over southeastern information regarding the Portuguese commu-
Bengal and parts of the Irrawaddy delta. In 1598, nity can be found in Father Manrique’s account.
King Minrajagri’s (1593-1612) troops took part The Itinerario became more accessible to
in the siege of Pegu and shortly afterwards contemporary historians when C. Eckford-
beat off an invading army of Ayutthaya. The Luard’s English translation was published
pillage of the treasures of the Burmese empire in 1927 by the Hakluyt Society4. Notes and
considerably enriched the court of Arakan, but comments were not only provided by the editor,
the southern territorial expansion into Lower but also by the Jesuit father H. Hosten who had
Burma failed. In a country devastated by years spent many years in studying Manrique’s book,
of war, the king wanted to revive trade and by G.E. Harvey, an English colonial historian,
wisely chose to keep control only of Syriam, and by San Shwe Bu, an Arakanese scholar.
which had been the most important of the Though their comments do not altogether lack a
Burmese ports. He left the control of the port to critical approach, no attempt was ever made to
Felipe de Brito y Nicote, a Portuguese captain provide an analysis of the historical content of
who had been in his service for several years Manrique’s narrative in conjunction with a study
already, favouring the local Portuguese commu- of Arakanese and Burmese sources.
nity over their Indian rivals from the Coroman- It was Maurice Collis, a British judge and a
del ports who had also lobbied at Mrauk U to prolific writer, who ensured Manrique’s lasting
further their commercial aims. De Brito soon fame when he transformed some major episodes
rejected the king’s authority and pursued his own of the Augustin father’s stay in Arakan into a
objectives. With local Mon allies, he frustrated historical romance. The Land of the Great
Arakanese attempts at gaining back control Image, published in 1943, became a popular
over Syriam, obtained Goa’s backing and was book widely read in Burma and beyond and it
sovereign ruler of Syriam from 1608 to 1612. has been for decades the most easily available
But he failed in unifying the Portuguese book on Arakan’s history. True, it is a lovely
communities established along the eastern shores piece of writing, exotic and imaginative as
of the Bay of Bengal. At the same time, another well as informative. While it starts with a
Portuguese adventurer, Sebastião Tibau, gained long introduction on Portuguese Goa and the
control over the salt-producing island of Sandwip, Catholic missions in Asia, the thread of Collis’
north of Chittagong. His shifting alliances narrative is Manrique’s voyage to Arakan and
with local lords failed to establish his position his adventures and experiences in the Land of
firmly, so he finally turned to Goa, too, asking the Great Image5 which cover 26 of a total 32
for military help. But the grandiose project of chapters. But, as Collis’ book was peppered with
invading Arakan and conquering Mrauk U in references to historical works and occasionally
1615 failed. While Portuguese mercenaries manuscript sources, statements relating to
played an important role in Arakan’s expansion Arakan and its kingship have often been
at the end of the 16th century, de Brito and considered by readers as established historical
Tibau challenged Arakan’s overlordship in the facts. This is unfortunate. Collis’ reading of
north-east Bay of Bengal at the beginning of the the Itinerario was neither analytical nor
17th century. From the end of the reign of King profound and his book cannot be used as a
Minkhamaung (1612-1622) and during reliable historical study. A comparison with the
Sirisudhammaraja’s reign (1622-1638), the original text shows that the gifted writer made a
Luso-Asians benefited from a high degree of selective use of Manrique’s account without
autonomy in the Chittagong area, but they were much questioning its author’s authority on points
increasingly integrated into Arakan’s strategy where a critically minded reader would naturally
against its enemies in Bengal. Much evidence raise his eye-brows.
illustrating this development and precious
Journal of the Siam Society 90.1 & 2 (2002)
03 P 39-58 40 8/8/05, 14:41
Tilling the Lord’s Vineyard and Defending Portuguese Interests: 41
Towards a Critical Reading of Father S. Manrique’s Account of Arakan
Maurice Collis wanted to introduce Father author did not intend, unlike Maurice Collis, to
Manrique “so to tell his story that its rare flavour draw a portrait of the king. Put on a string,
is brought out, its queerness relished and its Manrique’s information relating to the king
implications understood, and not only his story contains plenty of contradictions and does not
but that of the extraordinary king he met”6. provide a coherent picture. It is also in no way
Collis’ judgmental attitude regarding his hero an attempt to provide the reader with a kind of
hardly foretells a balanced portrait and, naturally, history, that is, a connected and intelligible story
Father Manrique himself did not look upon of either the Portuguese communities in the
his own account as a queer story. In the first northwest Bay of Bengal or the events he went
chapter, the Augustine friar tells his readers that through himself. Manrique’s descriptions of his
“after some modern narratives fell into [his] stay and adventures in Arakan follow a loose
hands”, he “took heart” and decided that he could chronological order which is rarely helpful to
“at any rate write and give immortality to [his] reconstruct the social and political context of his
adventures with less bias and more veracity”7. six years in the country. Obviously, such an
A historian eager to exploit Manrique’s approach was not relevant for the Augustine
narrative for his study of Arakanese history will father. The verbosity of so many descriptions
start to address the original text with a set of rather suggests that Manrique intended to
questions which lie generally far away from provide his contemporary readers with a picture
Collis’ quest for anecdotes and entertainment and of the kingdom intimately connected to the
keep a critical distance to the purpose announced underlying motives of his literary work.
by the author himself. We may wonder what the We will show that Manrique’s writing was
account itself tells us of the author’s intentions prompted, first, by the defence of his missionary
and what were the deeper motives to fulfil such work against those who defamed it, and, second,
a painstaking task as the writing of a travelogue. by his diplomatic commitment to the interests
We will have to pay attention to the place where of the Portuguese Christian communities. Both
the work was published (Rome!) and for what motives give an inner unity to his text and form
kind of readership the author possibly wrote. the background against which the historian has
This article is a contribution to such a to appreciate the information he may wish to
preliminary study of Manrique and the account extract from the missionary’s travel account.
of his missionary activities and travels in Asia The first volume of the Itinerario (“Journey
in as far as it will focus on at least some of the to Arakan”, covering the time from May 1628
motives of Manrique’s writing. It acknowledges to April 1637) contains 39 chapters. Only
the importance of Manrique’s text and examines chapters 10 to 34 deal directly with Arakan.
the reliability and usefulness of the first volume These chapters can be divided into four parts:
of the Itinerario de las missiones orientales for Chapters 10 to 20 deal with Manrique’s arrival
the study of Arakanese history, with reference in Arakan and his audiences at the court; chap-
to the Portuguese presence in the kingdom and ters 21 to 25 provide information on the court,
to the end of the reign of King Sirisudhammaraja. the capital, religious beliefs and practices as well
One specific point, the assumed massacres of as the Burmese-Siamese wars in the 16th cen-
thousands of men and beasts by this king prior tury; chapters 26 to 30 deal with matters of
to his coronation ceremony in 1635, is analysed religious conversion and chapters 31 to 35 evolve
in the context of political instability prevailing around the coronation of King Sirisudhammaraja.
during the early 1630s.
At this point, we may briefly state what The defense of the Catholic missions
Manrique’s account is not and was probably, in
the eyes of its author, not meant to be. It is not a The major purpose of Manrique’s book was
description of the kingdom of Arakan and the the defence of the Catholic missions and more
Journal of the Siam Society 90.1 & 2 (2002)
03 P 39-58 41 8/8/05, 14:41
42 JACQUES P. LEIDER
particularly the work of the Augustine friars in He praises the unassuming demeanour of the
India. The justification of the missions against Augustine friars and their particular merits and
their detractors (especially in Rome) is brought exalts the superiority of the monastic orders over
to the reader through an emotional portrait of its the secular clergy10.
author and occasionally his own merits, a plea Stressing the “many hardships, imprison-
for the greatness of the heavy task to accom- ments and captivities” that he suffered11,
plish, and occasional references to the propaga- Manrique draws our attention to the tribulations
tion of the faith by meritorious fathers of the of his own existence, though he is pleased that,
Augustine order. owing to the grace of God, he can indulge in the
The work aims at edifying the piety and faith glorious work of propagating his faith
of its readers. Riddled with moral maxims and (“recognising with true gratitude His grace in
quotaions from Holy scripture and Saint Augustine, calling us and thereby meriting being chosen by
the Itinerario attempts to illustrate divine provi- Him”12).
dence that rewards the good and destroys the bad. While incidentally mentioning Franciscans,
Intertwined with the rather confusing threads Dominicans and Jesuits, Manrique presents his
of the author’s main narrative, innumerable fellow friars of the Augustine order as the true
digressions and anecdotes aim at justifying the champions of missionary work. He acclaims
true faith and lead to moral exhortations. their humility, explaining that they strictly refuse
“I may perhaps be allowed, benevolent any presents made by kings and would not
Reader, to prolong this parenthesis..., easily accept any honour offered them13:
stirred as I am with great sorrow to see “This is a policy which the earliest
that even after a poor Missionary has Augustin Brethren to pass into East India
passed through trials such as this and long ago grasped as the best to adhere to.
others to which Missionaries are subject, Not one of them, when establishing settle-
when he describes missionary efforts on ments in pagan Gentile and Maumetan
the spot at which they took place, he yet countries, would ever accept money from
meets with certain writers who believe that the Lords of the soil on which they settled.
the Brethren suffer all these trials gladly In some parts, even after leave of build had
in return for freedom from the summons been given, they used to purchase the sites.
of the chapel bell and the rigours of cloister This excellent policy has been maintained
life. That there should be a Prior so up to the present day [...]
ignorant as to jeer at missions, is a harder For as a rule, these Lords never grant
trial to bear than all the hardships I have concessions to religious orders unless they
related.”8 consider some advantage will be derived
This complaint finely summarizes our from it, either through an influx of Chris-
author’s feelings on the attacks which the tian trade or for some special reason, but
missionaries had to confront at home. Manrique in any case merely for personal gain of
deeply resented the unfair accusations that some kind or other. If they find these
misionaries would go abroad to evade a truly advantages are not forthcoming, they seek
monastic life. The missionaries’ life was, unlike for opportunities of evading those grants
their detractors thought, a burdensome and which they had made merely in a spirit
dangerous existence. That is the message our of covetousness. Those early sons of St.
writer conveys throughout his book. Nonethe- Augustin... fully understood this and would
less he is not writing to discourage, but to arouse never accept any pecuniary aid in such
and stimulate vocations for the missions, as, with countries.”14
God’s grace, our author claims, great works can Several examples sketch the excellency of
be done in the heathen countries9. the Augustine friars’ deportment. In the most
Journal of the Siam Society 90.1 & 2 (2002)
03 P 39-58 42 8/8/05, 14:41
Tilling the Lord’s Vineyard and Defending Portuguese Interests: 43
Towards a Critical Reading of Father S. Manrique’s Account of Arakan
perilous situations, they face the danger with or, more often, sold on the slave-markets around
unrelenting devotion and give proofs of their the Bay of Bengal!20 Mass conversions were
Christian charity. According to Manrique, Friar thus quite speedy and true conversions of the
Domingos de la Purificacion and himself were heart might probably have been extremely rare.
several times the victims of attempted murder. Noteworthy missionary successes actually
In one instance, a group of fourteen men were appear as trivial. The conversion of two Protes-
arrested and they would have been executed, if tants, a Belgian and a German, in 1634, during
Manrique had not intervened on their behalf. the time when the king did not want Manrique
Finally they were made over to his service, to leave the court, represents the sole missionary
favourably disposed to become Christians!15 triumph in a period of fourteen months21.
In another account of an adventure, Manrique Manrique candidly recognises that he failed to
describes how a fellow missionary, Domingos convert convicts on the way to be executed, “no
de la Purificacion, crossed at the peril of his life doubt owing to [his] own sinfulness”22.
a crocodile-infested river to hear the confession The defence of the propagation of the
of one Juan Errera Barbosa, a penitent Catholic faith being a major purpose of our
Portuguese pirate at the point of his death16. author, it is not surprising that the text abounds
“Through these and other worse dangers did the in stereotyped attacks against Buddhists
Fathers pass when busied in their Apostolic and Muslims23. We will briefly deal with his
duties”, says Manrique who “could give an treatment of Buddhism and turn to his percep-
account of many other Augustin Missionaries”17. tion of the Muslims in a later paragraph.
One particular trial of our author was his The information Manrique provides on
secret journey to the forbidden Maum moun- the Buddhist religion and its ceremonies is
tains18 where he visited a small group of exiled confusing and contradictory and may have
Portuguese and “Topaze” (i.e. mixed blood) been partly copied from Mendes Pinto’s
Christians. Manrique and his companions, Peregrinação24. It appears that Manrique did
assures our writer, faced capital punishment in not know the Arakanese language and had only
case of detection19. a poor command of Indian languages25, contrary
The success of the missionary efforts was to what he makes us believe when he writes that
measured by the number of conversions and he was discussing matters with the monks26.
baptisms. In chapter 27 we find an extensive Without mincing his words, Manrique
account of the conversions done by the Augustine qualifies the Buddhist religion as “a deceitful
friars in Arakan and Pegu between 1621 and and false doctrine”. The “blind Idolaters”,
1634. Manrique asserts that he baptised, together “Ministers of Hell” and “followers of the Devil”
with two other friars, and “after duly instructing aroused his astonishment, because they preferred
them”, 11,407 persons of the 18,000 who “the lies and snares with which the Devil had
entered Arakan during the five years of his stay. filled their minds”. Their good works done
During a previous period four other friars had “under the influence of a false faith” were
baptised 16,090 persons among the 20,000 who “fruitless and lacking in all merit”27. For a
had “come” from the Mughal empire to Arakan. twenty-first century reader, at least, the
The figures that Manrique provides are, at first redundant style of his accusations bears the mark
sight, impressive, but the results look less of a tiresome litany28. This catalogue of less
brilliant when we take into account the particu- than laudatory epithets is counterbalanced by a
lar nature of that success. The people whom sincere admiration for the piety, the generosity
Manrique shamelessly presents as “coming” to and the charity of the heathens. Several times
Arakan, were the poor Bengali country-folk Manrique mentions the respect priests enjoy29
captured by the Portuguese slave-raiders and and the behaviour of the Buddhists is even
destined to be handed over to the Arakanese king presented as a model for the Christians.
Journal of the Siam Society 90.1 & 2 (2002)
03 P 39-58 43 8/8/05, 14:41
44 JACQUES P. LEIDER
“I was edified by seeing their very purity of soul beneath that dark skin and
complete rejoicings, the carrying out of so how the Divine Lover must be enamoured
many pious acts and so much charity, such of her to have endowed her with so much
as the giving of alms, payment of debts the of His spirit.”33
provision of free tables bearing every kind The missionaries tried to bring together in
of food and delicacy bestowed for the love single villages or city quarters the Christian
of God on whatever people might come to population and Father Manrique struggled hard
share them, irrespective of class. Such acts to implement this scheme34. The was a strategy
are indeed more to be expected of Chris- to get the native converts to abandon their
tians than infidels, but in them incidentally “heathen rites” and induce the native wives
they surpass many Christians.”30 of the Portuguese mercenaries to adopt the
The Buddhist monks do not only preach Christian faith.
renunciation, but they really practice it and set The more or less openly acknowledged
an example to follow. intentions of the Augustine friar also reveal his
“However, no real grounds for personality. On the one hand, Manrique gives
apprehension existed, inasmuch as the lively descriptions of his adventures and reveals
education given to most of these pagans quite frankly his true feelings and emotions.
was, as I have said, usually obtained in On the other hand, his moral comments easily
the temples or the private houses of the take the lead over his descriptions, especially
Raulins31, who are so moderate and when he narrates his encounters and conflicts
forbearing as regards ambition and the with local authorities.
insatiable desire for the acquisition of
riches that they not only counsel and teach Manrique’s diplomatic missions and the
(by word of mouth) the hindrances such a Portuguese in the Bay of Bengal
pursuit places in the road leading to a
spiritual life, but also teach it by example Manrique did not have in mind to make an
knowing how much greater is the effect of exact report of his political and ecclesiastical
actually doing what one preaches than missions, their causes and their results. We do
merely preaching what one does not do, not even know if the missions he was entrusted
as do so many persons who not only with were official or more or less informal tasks.
follow the true Catholic faith but also The first journey to Arakan originated with
profess a state of perfection.”32 the imminent danger of a military expedition of
Manrique does not whisper a single word the Arakanese against the semi-autonomous
about the state of the catholic faith of his Portuguese population of Dianga. According to
compatriots. Interestingly, it is among the Manrique, a new governor had been appointed
native Christians that he found striking examples at Chittagong and he was hostile to these
of piety and spiritual ardour. A native Christian Portuguese, because he had once been arrested
woman, who did her best to take along to by them. But this could hardly have been the
Angaracale the heathen wives of some Chris- only reason for punishing the Portuguese. To
tian Portuguese, inspired boundless admiration avoid an attack on Dianga at a moment when
in the missionary. the majority of the men able to carry arms had
“I confess that at the sight of her tears left on slave-raids along the Bengal rivers,
I was not only edified but confused in Manrique was sent as an envoy to the Arakanese
considering how much this good Indian court35. The risks involved for the Portuguese
woman had done to please God and how were high indeed, as an Arakanese battle fleet
little I was doing. [...] Therefore I was under the order of the koyangri36 lay already
ashamed when I considered the beauty and at Uritaung37 “to carry out the King’s orders
Journal of the Siam Society 90.1 & 2 (2002)
03 P 39-58 44 8/8/05, 14:41
Tilling the Lord’s Vineyard and Defending Portuguese Interests: 45
Towards a Critical Reading of Father S. Manrique’s Account of Arakan
issued on the unjust solicitation of the readers what its objective was44. It could possi-
Governor of Chatigân”38. bly be related to the viceroy’s anti-Dutch
Manrique met the koyangri in Uritaung. He endeavours in the Bay of Bengal. The casual
seemed to be friendly to the Portuguese39 and treatment of these essential tasks confirms our
Manrique declared himself ready to answer for belief that Manrique rather wanted to impress
his fellow countrymen at Dianga. He also than to inform.
confirmed their loyalty to the king. This is why Manrique’s noteworthy descriptions of his
we may speculate if the planned attack on Dianga encounters with King Sirisudhammaraja bear
was eventually linked to a breach in the bonds an astonishing air of familiarity. At the five
of allegiance of the Portuguese to the king. Such audiences, our Augustine father seems to have
a hypothesis is indirectly confirmed by Manrique hardly been bothered by any ceremonial impedi-
himself when, ahead of his second audience with ments. He is merely complaining about the
the king, he writes to his compatriots at Dianga never-ending delivery of presents. With the
exhorting them not to indulge anymore in their depiction of the fifth audience, one gets the
mortal sins40. What that meant becomes fairly impression that Manrique was visiting an old
clear in the king’s words at the audience: no friend. This is in stark contrast to his later
Portuguese should be at the service of the chapter on Sirisudhammaraja’s coronation
Mughal Emperor41. Manrique told the king that ceremony in 1635 and with just anything we
this was anyway forbidden to the Portuguese by might have in mind on Western envoys meeting
an order of His Majesty the King of Portugal. Oriental and specifically Burmese or Arakanese
But the Portuguese communities in the service kings and the protocol involved. A description
of the King of Arakan, or of any other prince of such an informal way of dealing with the king
beyond the control of the Estado da India, he highlights the fact that Manrique was, or rather
went on to explain, usually felt free to pursue wants us to believe that he was, on excellent
policies in their own interest. Manrique’s terms with the supreme lord of the country at
narrative contains a number of examples which the beginning of his stay. Five years later, when
reflect this independent state of mind. the king did not grant him permission to leave
In the situation that he faced at the court in the country, their supposedly cosy relations came
early 1630, Manrique ultimately won his case to an end. Unfortunately Manrique does not give
by recalling the ancient merits and the proven us the least description or appreciation of the
faithfulness of the Portuguese at the king’s sovereign’s personality. So, in the end, we
service42. The king resolved to appoint another wonder if Manrique really came into such close
governor of Chittagong43. Unfortunately we do contact with the king at all. Was he merely
not learn anything about later developments boasting of such familiarity with the court to
regarding this matter. further inflate his stature in the eyes of the
Manrique may indeed have exaggerated the readers?
afore-mentioned conflict simply to impress his The worries about his missionary duties play
readership. His account suggests that he would an increasingly prominent part in his narrative.
have gone to Arakan anyway and for some other True, the three favours that Manrique asked
reasons. At the second audience, he handed for , during the second audience, were speedily
over a letter of the Father Provincial of the granted: the liberation of eight Christian
Augustine order to the king. One may infer that families at “Cuami”, the construction of a church
his voyage to Arakan had been planned for some and the visit of the Christians living at the
time. Moreover Manrique mentions three times capital45.
that he was in charge of a mission for the But the concession of these favours had
viceroy, Miguel de Noronha, count of Liñares required skilful diplomacy in more than one
(1629-1635). But he does not make plain to his direction. When Manrique intended to re-
Journal of the Siam Society 90.1 & 2 (2002)
03 P 39-58 45 8/8/05, 14:41
46 JACQUES P. LEIDER
establish the native converts in a “Christian” cupidity, but seems to believe that they did
quarter, the Portuguese captain (who was in not want to appear too obviously greedy.
charge of these Christians and liable to the king Surprisingly, we do not find a single word on
for their behaviour) protested because he was the famous Felipe de Brito y Nicote in the
afraid to attract the mistrust of the king and his Itinerario. The most likely reason is that de Brito
council. There are quite a few examples which betrayed the Arakanese king in 1601, built a
show that Manrique was not coping to badly with fortress in Syriam, a port whose governorship
challenging situations. He presents himself as had been entrusted to him after the fall of the
an astute speaker whose rhetorical devices First Toungoo empire and defended himself
could eventually impress a reluctant king. victoriously against two Arakanese attacks in
While presenting a gift at the 1634 coronation 1605 and 1607. No mention is also made of the
ceremony, he told the king: ensuing loss of Syriam to the Burmese king
“The Christians of Dianga say I am a Anaukphetlun on 28 March 1613. The
prisoner because they know of the great neglect of a figure like de Brito is nonetheless
honours and kindnesses you have done me remarkable as the five years of his undisputed
and continue to show me, and that by these control over parts of Lower Burma (1608-1613)
acts you not only make me your slave but with the help of both Mon and Burmese allies,
have also placed all the Christians within run parallel to Sebastião Tibau’s sway over
your dominion under great obligations. Sandwip (1607-1616). Tibau, though much
The King laughed at this flattering exalted by Manrique (see below), was actually
solution of the subject and granted me the a less glamorous and daring person than de Brito.
permission we had asked for.” [i.e. the Briefly, Manrique confined himself to outline
permission to leave the kingdom] the meritorious Portuguese record of service in
Many of Manrique’s ambiguous and the Arakan and Chittagong area and passed over
sometimes contradictory judgements on men, the case of de Brito who, after allegedly serving
their habits, attitudes or, as mentioned above, the Arakanese king for two decades, later
their religion, characterise him as a basically brilliantly resisted Arakanese attempts to
honest man who was torn between his subdue him.
spontaneous enthusiasm for the marks of a As far as the relations between the Arakanese
refined civilization, on the one hand, and his king and the Portuguese mercenaries were
vocation to promote the one and true Catholic concerned, Manrique’s description bears a great
faith, on the other. He laments about the interest for the historian. Our author makes clear
suspicion of the “Maghs” [=Arakanese], but that the Portuguese were “officially” defending
praises the diplomatic skill of these “barbarians”. the Arakanese border area against the “encroach-
While other seventeenth century accounts of the ment and tyranny” of the Mughal Emperor47.
Luso-Asian community of the north-eastern Bay The term “Portuguese” refers here to the
of Bengal generally denounce it as a lawless leaders of a Luso-Asian community of Portu-
bunch of pirates, Manrique refrains from guese, mixed bloods, Indian Christians and
judging so harshly the behaviour of his fellow slaves of diverse origins. According to Wouter
countrymen46. The forceful deportation of Schouten’s description of a slave raid in
thousands of Bengalis into slavery is shyly southern Bengal in 1663, the captain of the fleet
hidden by our author under the veil of mass was a Portuguese while the men rowing the boats
conversions. The rare criticisms of the Portu- were Arakanese. These “Portuguese” incursions
guese relate to actions of the past. Recalling the along the rivers of Bengal and the deportations
achievements of the Portuguese soldiers at the of men, women and children into slavery were
service of the Burmese emperor Bayinnaung useful from the point of view of an Arakanese
(1553-1581), the Augustine friar condemns their raison d’Etat as the constant reign of terror in
Journal of the Siam Society 90.1 & 2 (2002)
03 P 39-58 46 8/8/05, 14:41
Tilling the Lord’s Vineyard and Defending Portuguese Interests: 47
Towards a Critical Reading of Father S. Manrique’s Account of Arakan
south-eastern Bengal effectively created a rebellious Portuguese community. With local
deserted buffer zone between the Mughals and Bengal allies he made himself master of Sandwip
the Buddhist kingdom. On the other hand, they in 160949. His control over the island and the
were profitable for the Portuguese thanks to the small fleet that he commanded became more an
booty they made and the slaves they could sell. annoyance than a real threat for the Arakanese.
They were also legitimate from a Catholic point Manrique introduces Tibau as a “brave
of view and approved by the authorities of the Portuguese” who became “king of Sundiva”
Estado da India, as our author candidly states. (Sandwip). In fact, Tibau could only uphold his
“With the object of securing these two position through local alliances. But he was a
entrances [by land and by sea], the Magh fickle ally of the Arakanese and Bengali lords
kings decided to always retain Portuguese and he refused to co-operate with his fellow
in their service granting the best of them countryman de Brito50. In 1610, he helped
the rank of Captain and conferring on prince Min Nyo, the rebellious governor of
them Bilâtas, or revenue-producing lands, Chittagong, who sent his daughter as a hostage
on the understanding that they maintained to Sandwip. When the allied troops were beaten
a certain force of their country-men by the Arakanese crown prince (later King Min
and also Geliâs. Geliâs are very swift Khamaung), Min Nyo fled to Sandwip. Before
vessels which are used on the Ganges for he died, Tibau married his daughter who
fighting. They are usually propelled by had been made a Christian. It seems that Min
thirty-eight rowers who live on the Bilâtas Nyo’s widow, Khaung Pauk Ma, refused to
or estates of those Captains, under the marry Antonio, Tibau’s brother, because she did
obligation of serving whenever called not want to become a Christian51. According to
upon. Besides this annual income they Arakanese sources, she later returned to
were authorised to take their vessels into Chittagong where she was arrested in 1612 by
the principality of Bengala, which King Man Khamaung52. Min Nyo’s successor
belonged to the Great Mogol. Here they was a prince called Alamanja by Manrique. This
would sack and destroy all the villages and name refers to the middle son (alat min)
settlements on the banks of the Ganges, Cakrawate who governed Chittagong up to 1612.
to a distance of two or three leagues He bore the Muslim title Suleiman Shah53.
up-stream, and besides removing all the Manrique says that the young Arakanese
most valuable things they found, would governor, while arriving in Chittagong, was
also take captive any people with whom advised to “keep on good terms” with Tibau to
they came in contact. This raiding was “preserve his own position”54. Cakrawate did
pronounced by the Provincial Council at this by proposing to Tibau to marry one of his
Goa to be just, since the Mogors were not daughters who was moreover ready to become
only invaders and tyrannical usurpers but a Catholic. Tibau received Cakrawate’s embassy
also enemies of Christianity. For they “with delight” and Manrique gave his reasons
desired to extirpate it wholly from the as follows:
Orient...”48 “...because of the service it enabled him
Sebastião Gonzales Tibau, a Portuguese of to do to the Divine Majesty by bringing
humble origins, had come to Bengal in 1605 and the Princess of Chatigan to a knowledge
earned his living as a mercenary and trader on of his own sacred and true faith, as well
Sandwip, an island in the north-eastern Bay of as for the great opening it gave him for
Bengal. The island owed its prosperity mainly ingratiating himself with he Viceroys of
to its salt and sugar cane trade. Tibau survived India and also doing valuable service to
the famous 1607 expedition against Dianga His Majesty of Portugal, his natural
when King Minrajagri wanted to punish the suzerain.”
Journal of the Siam Society 90.1 & 2 (2002)
03 P 39-58 47 8/8/05, 14:41
48 JACQUES P. LEIDER
One may be sceptical about Tibau’s cannot force them to stay. As regards this
Christian intentions, but Manrique rightly notes protest I look upon the Ruler of Portugal
that it was in Tibau’s interest to ingratiate as my natural Lord and King, and being
himself with Goa. Though the conversion of a his loyal subject I always obey his orders
princess was not enough to achieve this aim, with scrupulous care. So I will write to
Tibau actively appealed to Goa in the following these Portuguese you refer to suggesting
year. that they should leave Chatigan and join
Manrique gives an elaborate and edifying your King. But if they refuse to do this,
account of the embassy sent to Chittagong and your valiant King, who is there with his
the conversion of the princess. After her arrival weapons in his hand, can compel them as
in Sandwip, the princess, baptised with the name I cannot.”57
of Maxima, was married to Tibau “amidst Min Khamaung did indeed compel them
increased demonstrations of delight and joy”55. and took Chittagong. A few months later, Tibau
The story of this conversion is rather surprising allied himself with the Arakanese to confront the
because Maxima cannot have been very old at Mughal troops in Bhallua. Manrique passes
that time, as her father is said to have become without reproving Tibau’s opportunism and
governor at the age of twenty-three. What is embellishes his portrait with the attribute of
even more puzzling is the fact that Tibau is said being a “loyal subject” of the Portuguese king.
to have married another Arakanese princess just This double-standard in judging Tibau’s actions
a couple of years before, who would logically underscores that Manrique wanted to stress
have been the cousin of Maxima. As moreover above all the crucial role that the Portuguese
Tibau had already grown up sons, he must have could play in local politics. He was fascinated
had another wife at an earlier time. by their incidental power to do or undo.
The description of the siege of Chittagong in Manrique reports for example that some of the
1612 highlights Tibau’s opportunism. When besieged Arakanese wrote to King Min
Min Khamaung became king after the death of Khamaung that they would like to surrender, but
his father Minrajagri, he attacked his brother that they were “powerless” as the city was “held
Cakrawate in Chittagong. The governor by the Portuguese”58.
defended himself for four months “with the A detailed account of the events also points
assistance of the Portuguese ruler of Sundiva, to the notorious divisiveness of the Portuguese
by holding the most important position with a communities. Four hundred Portuguese backed
body of four hundred Portuguese.” Tibau even the rebellious governor Cakrawate during the
appealed to the king of “Assaram” to send him siege of Chittagong in 1612. Tibau asked
140 Portuguese, ammunition and weapons to them indeed, as seen in the above quotation, to
support Cakrawate56. But once Min Khamaung abandon their resistance to Min Khamaung.
sent him a messenger asking him to withdraw They replied that the “Ruler of Sundiva could
the four hundred Portuguese from Chittagong, govern his own people, but [that] they would
Tibau declared that these men were not under manage their own afairs”. Only when Cakrawate
his control. was seriously injured, did they surreptitiously
“He asked the Magh [=Arakanese] apply for help from Tibau to save two of his
Envoy if any inhabitants of Sundiva were children whom the rebel governor was said to
in the service of the Prince of Chatigan have entrusted to his Portuguese mercenaries.
[=Cakrawate]. On his replying in the Once more it is Tibau who finds himself
negative, he said: “Then of what does your portrayed by Manrique as a noble man and
King complain? The Portuguese are not devout Catholic. “Urged on by a truly apostolic
my vassals but free people, who can leave zeal he decided to snatch that Prince from the
this island any time they wish, and I dark and tortuous paths of heathendom...”.
Journal of the Siam Society 90.1 & 2 (2002)
03 P 39-58 48 8/8/05, 14:41