ebook img

To Catch a Tartar: A Dissident in Lee Kuan Yew's Prison PDF

329 Pages·1994·2.287 MB·English
Save to my drive
Quick download
Download
Most books are stored in the elastic cloud where traffic is expensive. For this reason, we have a limit on daily download.

Preview To Catch a Tartar: A Dissident in Lee Kuan Yew's Prison

To Catch a TartaR F r T o C a t c h a T a r t a R a n c A Dissident in Lee Kuan Yew’s Prison i s A Dissident in Lee Kuan Yew’s Prison T . S “A ‘semi-autobiographical’ account of Seow’s experiences as a e o government official and his 72-day detention in 1988 for ‘courting if not w colluding’ with U.S. diplomats to build an opposition in Singapore.” Asiaweek 2/94 TV Room Mceadli- GRuoaormd Office Cell Tleoti- Pantry “… a landmark exposé of Lee Kuan Yew’s Singapore written by an Room eminent Singaporean who has experienced both the best and worst of life in that country … it is a very necessary book which will affect public perceptions of Singapore … convincing testimony … (and) a very Cell worthy contribution to the serious study of repression everywhere.” Admn Margaret John, Amnesty International T Block stair well o valu“a…ble I tf oisr vitesr y‘i nwseidlle wr’ rvitietewn ;f r…om a ns oimmpeoorntea nwt hhois twoarisc aalt dthoecu tmope natn …d C BLODCK corridor BLOCCK a close to Lee Kuan Yew … it will provide a broad picture of the dark side t C22 of Lee’s Singapore to go along with the statistics of his ‘modernization’ c below Block C h achievements.” “Shangri-La The Valley Wing” J. Scott, editorial comments a T N8 Open Space Francis Seow was educated at Saint Joseph’s Institution in Singapore a and at the Honorable Society of the Middle Temple, London. He joined r Whitley t Detention the Singapore Legal Service in 1956, serving as a deputy public prosecutor a Ghurka guard Center r until 1972, when he entered private law practice. Prime Minister Lee Kuan BLOCK M BLOCK L SINGAPORE BLOCK N Yew approved his appointment as senior counsel to a Commission of Inquiry which “successfully exposed communist tactics” in the Secondary IV examination boycott by Chinese students. Seow received the award of the Public Administration (Gold) Medal for his work on the Commission, Francis T. Seow and was ultimately appointed Solicitor General of Singapore. Seow dates the beginnings of political friction between himself and Lee Kuan Yew’s government from 1986 when Seow was elected president of the Law Society. Seow was appointed the first Orville Schell Fellow, Yale Law w i t h a f o r e w o r d b y C . V. D e v a n N a i r School, in 1989, and in 1990, a Fellow at East Asian Legal Studies, Harvard Law School. A widower, Seow now lives with his daughter, Ingrid M o Annalisa, in Arlington, Massachusetts. n o g ISBN 978-0-938692-56-0 r 90000 a p h Monograph 42/Yale Southeast Asia Studies # 4 Yale Center for International and Area Studies 2 9 780938 692560 To Catch a Tartar To Catch a Tartar A Dissident in Lee Kuan Yew’s Prison FRANCIS T. SEOW with a foreword by C.V. DEVAN NAIR Monograph 42/Yale Southeast Asia Studies Yale Center for International and Area Studies Yale University Southeast Asia Studies James C. Scott, Chairman Marvel Kay Mansfield, Editor Consulting Editors Hans-Dieter Evers, Universität Bielefeld Huynh Sanh Thông, Yale University Sartono Kartodirdjo, Gadjah Mada University Lim Teck Ghee, Institute for Advanced Studies, University of Malaya Alfred W. McCoy, University of Wisconsin Anthony Reid, Research School of Pacific Studies, Canberra Benjamin White, Institute for Social Studies, The Hague Alexander Woodside, University of British Columbia Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 94-060647 International Standard Book Number: paper 978-0-938692-56-0 ©1994 by Yale University Southeast Asia Studies New Haven, Connecticut 06520-8206 Third impression Distributor: Yale University Southeast Asia Studies P.O. Box 208206 New Haven, Connecticut 06520-8206 U.S.A. Printed in U.S.A. Lovingly dedicated to the memory of my late wife, Rauni Marjatta Kivilaakso and to my mother, Pang Siew Peck and my sister, Clare Seow-Looi Contents Foreword ix Acknowledgements xxxi Maps of Singapore xxxiv 1 An Historical Background 1 2 Prologue 8 Whitley Detention Centre 8 3 Salad Days 13 4 May 21, 1987 67 5 Pavilion Intercontinental Hotel 81 6 May 6, 1988 102 The Trap Sprung 106 7 The Search 111 8 In the Eye of Harry—The Interrogation 121 9 At the General Hospital 146 10 Still in the Eye of Harry—Interrogation Continued 149 11 Devan Nair and the Asylum 161 12 The Closing Society 173 13 Dr. Toh Chin Chye et al. 195 Tan Boon Teik 197 14 Cell L-9, Block L 205 Valley Wing 209 vii 15 Security 212 Counsel’s Visits 214 Family Visits 215 16 Method of Recording 220 17 Period of Rehabilitation 226 18 On the Eve of the Day 236 19 A Summer Bird—July 16, 1988 239 Epilogue 243 Appendix I—Statement of Ex-detainees of Operation Spectrum 258 Appendix II—Floor Plan of Centre and Cells 262 Appendix III—Statement of Grounds of Detention 264 Appendix IV—Representations 268 Appendix V—An Open Letter to Lee Kuan Yew 273 Index 283 viii Foreword Before reading Francis Seow’s manuscript, I had decided that I would decline his request for a foreword. My political days are definitively over—and for more reasons than either friends or foes imagine. Apart from a series of reflective essays (in preparation) on the making of an ideal (in which I too had been privileged to share), on its unmaking (which I watch in helpless pain from the sidelines), and on the dubious—to say the least—political and social aftermath of phenomenal economic success, I had, and still have, no intention of becoming involved in promoting the political views or program of any individual or group, whether within or without Singapore. After reading through the manuscript, however, I realized that I would never again be able to look at my face in the mirror without flinching, if I said no to Francis, at least in regard to this particular piece of writing by him. For this was no political harangue by one of Singapore’s leading opposition figures, excoriating the political or economic program of the powers-that-be, and pleading the virtues of his own political cause. On the contrary, central to this book is a grim account of how a citizen of Singapore was treated while under detention without trial under the republic’s internal security laws. As an ex-detainee myself, who had undergone in two separate spells a total of five years of political imprisonment in the fifties under the British colonial regime as an anticolonial freedom fighter, I recalled that I was never treated in the shockingly dehumaniz- ing manner in which Francis was by the professedly democratic x FOREWORD government of independent Singapore. Indeed, my fellow-detainees and I had as legal counsel a brilliant lawyer and vocal freedom- fighter by the name of Lee Kuan Yew, who has publicly borne wit- ness to the comfortable circumstances in which we lived under detention, and how he was freely able to visit us, without supervi- sion, to discuss, among other things, strategies for bringing the colo- nial rule of our jailers to an end. Francis’s account of his seventy-two days of detention by Prime Minister Lee’s government confronted me yet once again with acutely poignant questions: What has the nation come to? And what malefic hidden persona has emerged in Lee Kuan Yew of to - day? Surely, this cannot be the same man, whom I and several other starry-eyed anticolonial revolutionaries in the fifties and sixties had jubilantly accepted as our captain in the grim, heroic struggles of those early days to create what we expected would be a new Jeru- salem? Alas, it took us thirty years to realize that we had been tread- ing on air. Mr. Seow’s book is an eye-opener, that is, for those whose eyes still require to be opened. Mine too, for that matter. Nobody is blinder than a captain’s inveterate hero-worshipper. And none probably as wilfully, self-righteously closed to unfolding reality as I was. Indeed, until fairly recently, I had believed that the People’s Action Party (PAP) government, by which I had once sworn, had all along been tolerably civilized and humane in its treatment of political prison- ers. Yet another scale had to fall from my eyes, the latest in a series of scales which had already fallen earlier, and which I will deal with in my own book. The economic transformation wrought by the PAP government in Singapore is there for all the world to see. The towering skyline of the island city state, the great vistas of new high-rise apartments which have replaced the sordid sprawling slums and malarial swamps of only three decades ago, the magnificent international airport at Changi about which all visitors rave, the world’s latest and, perhaps, best mass rapid transit system, the clean and green garden city—all and more—quite rightly evoke the envy and admi- ration of foreign visitors, especially those from developing coun- Foreword xi tries with much less to boast of by way of efficient development-ori- ented governments. I would be the last person to denigrate the material achieve- ments of Singapore, for the good reason that I was also a member of the ruling team responsible for them. Like other members of the PAP old guard, I saw the creation of a solid socioeconomic base as a vitally necessary springboard for the realisation of human ends and values. At least for me, and for the others in the anticolonial move- ment like me, the human agenda was primary. In short, the urgent, organized, disciplined drive for economic growth and technological progress was powered by noneconomic aspirations and ideals. We looked at the sad fate of other multiracial and multireligious developing countries and recognised that life’s highest rewards and fulfillments were beyond the reach of societies riven by sterile, sense- less class and ethnic strife, and cursed by a corrupt polity, inefficient production, material poverty, and hungry bellies. Modern technol- ogy and management systems would be the necessary means to advance the human agenda. Alas, we failed to foresee that human ends would come to be subverted for the greater glory of the mate- rial means, and our new Jerusalem would come to harbour a metal- lic soul with clanking heartbeats, behind a glittering technological facade. History bears abundant witness that idealists generally come to grief. They awaken high human aspirations and hopes and ignite the liberating fires of revolution. The pains and humiliations of for- eign subjection and exploitation are scorched, and, for a brief, blaz- ing period, men transcend themselves in the inspiring vision of a great common future. The revolution triumphs—but idealists be - come expendable thereafter. One by one, sooner or later, they are eased out. And the revolution is inherited by cold, calculating power- brokers at the head of a phalanx of philistines. Lee Kuan Yew’s earlier speeches echo the great themes of free- dom fighters everywhere. As the several irrefragable quotes Seow offers in his book testify, Lee too had once waxed eloquent about lib- erty, freedom, harmony, justice, and the dignity of man. But reading Lee Kuan Yew today, or listening to him, one realizes how brazen ly he has abandoned the positions which had so convincingly per-

See more

The list of books you might like

Most books are stored in the elastic cloud where traffic is expensive. For this reason, we have a limit on daily download.