Title Alexandria in the Time of Constantine Cavafy

43 Pages·2017·7.15 MB·English

Alexandria in the Time of Constantine Cavafy (1863-1933)
Hiroshi Kato and Erina Iwasaki
Introduction: Why Cavafy?
A newspaper article was published in 2003 in relation to the death of the famous Palestin-
ian-American thinker, Edward Said (1935-2003).
In 2003, the funeral of Edward Said was held at Riverside Church in uptown New
York in September 25, 2003. In it, Daniel Barenboim, famous Jewish musician and
close friend of Said, played Said’s favorite music of Mozart, Bach and Brahms on the
piano, and Said’s daughter read Waiting for the Barbarians by the Greek Alexandrine
poet Constantine Cavafy. She said that her father loved the poems of Cavafy.
The article reported that at the funeral of Edward Said, Said’s daughter read one of the
poems of the Greek Alexandrine poet Constantine Cavafy.1 The beginning and ending of the
poem (composed in 1898) are as follows [Cavafy 1992: 18-19]:
Waiting for the Barbarians
What are we waiting for, assembled in the forum?
The barbarians are due here today.
Why isn’t anything happening in the senate?
Why do the senators sit there without legislating?
Because the barbarians are coming today.
What laws can the senators make now?
Once the barbarians are here, they’ll do the legislating.
…
Why this sudden restlessness, this confusion?
(How serious people’s faces have become.)
Why are the streets and squares emptying so rapidly,
1 Constantine P. Cavafy (Konstandinos Petru Kavafis, 1863-1933). All the poems of Cavafy are
translated into Japanese.
82 H. KATO AND E. IWASAKI
everyone going home so lost in thought?
Because night has fallen and the barbarians have not come.
And some who have just returned from the border say
there are no barbarians any longer.
And now, what’s going to happen to us without barbarians?
They were, those people, a kind of solution.
It is interesting to speculate why Said, the writer of Orientalism and a pro-Palestine ac-
tivist, was fascinated by this poem. It is probable that he sympathized with the diaspora of
Cavafy, although there was a difference between Said and Cavafy as to the nature of their
diasporas. The diaspora of Edward Said was forced by the Israeli occupation of the Palestine,
whereas the diaspora of Cavafy was freely chosen.
In particular, what did Edward Said read in Cavafy’s poem Waiting for the Barbarians?
Who were the “Barbarians” for Cavafy and for Edward Said? It is obvious that Edward Said
sympathized with the elegy of the world to which Cavafy felt he belonged, which reflects the
atmosphere of the modern Alexandria in which Cavafy lived and wrote.
This paper aims to examine the decadent atmosphere or spirit of modern Alexandria in the
time of Cavafy,2 as reflected in his poems; that is, it focuses on Alexandria from the second
half of the nineteenth century to the period between the two World Wars of the twentieth cen-
tury. It aims to do so by examining the following two subjects:3 first, the dramatic appearance
of Alexandria in the world economy; and second, the identity crisis among the foreign minori-
ties, especially the Greeks, to which Cavafy belonged, in modern Alexandria. Before discuss-
ing these two themes, we briefly outline the formation of modern Alexandria.
I. The formation of modern Alexandria
It is well known that Egypt has been a centralized society and thus has been characterized
by a lack of diversity or variety, at least from a cultural viewpoint. In Egypt, everything has
been “Egyptianized”. In this situation, Alexandria cut a brilliant figure in modern Egypt.
Alexandria is a modern city, although its name dates back to the Hellenistic age. When
Napoleon Bonaparte landed his troops in 1798, which was the starting point of the moderniza-
tion of Egypt, it is said that the population of Alexandria did not exceed 8,000. As shown in
Graph 1 and Table 1, the initial stage of population growth in Alexandria would have occurred
under the reign of Muhammad Ali (who ruled in 1805-48).
2 Cavafy was born in 1863 during the cotton boom (1861-65) and died in 1933, during the Great
Depression (1929-33).
3 This paper aims to expand on the theme of Kato [1998].
ALEXANDRIA IN THE TIME OF CONSTANTINE CAVAFY (1863-1933) 83
Graph 1 Urban population ratio in Egypt and the proportion of Cairo and Alexandria in the urban
Gproappuhl a1t i oUnr (b1a8n8 2p–o2p0u0la6t)ion ratio in Egypt and the proportion of Cairo and Alexandria
in the urban population (1882-2006)
60 1.2
o 
55 air
C
50 1 d 
n
a
% Urban growth % Urban growth234000 2348 2339 2433 2422 1370 1268 1269 1352 1354 1355 1342 1249 1237 1237000...468 growth in Alexandria % Population growth (%)
10 0.2 n 
o
ti
0 3 0 pula
o
182118461882189719071917192719371947196019661976198619962006 P
‐ 26
Urban % Cairo Alexandria
Note: No information is available on the urban and rural population in 1882. The population in 1966 is from the 1966
cenNsouste s:a Nmop lien sfuorrvmeya.t iTohne i su rabvaani lpaobpluel aotnio tnhse i nu r1b8a9n7 aanndd r1u9r1a7l paroep furloamti othne i nes 1ti8m8a2ti.o Tnhs eb yp oPpaunlzaatci o[n19 i7n7 1] 9a6nd6 is from the
those for 11892616-2 c6e annsdu s1 8s4am6-p82le a sreu revsetiym. aTtihoen su brbya Bna pero p[1u9l6a9ti:o 1n3s4 i-n1 3158]9.7 and 1917 are from the estimations by Panzac
Source: Statistical Yearbook, 2013; 2015, Baer [1969: 134-135].
[1977] and those for 1821–26 and 1846–1882 are estimations by Baer [1969: 134–135].
Source: Statistical Yearbook, 2013; 2015, Baer [1969: 134–135].
During the period 1821-46, the population of Alexandria grew rapidly. Alexandria would
have beenD au srminga llth teo wpenr ioofd o1n8l2y1 1–426,5, 2th8e r epsoipduelnattiso ant othf eA sletaxratn odfr itah gisr epwe rriaopdi,d alyr.o uAnledx 1an8d2r1ia-2 w6o. uBldy have been a
1846, istms aplol ptouwlant ioofn o hnalyd 1i2n,c5r2e8a sreesdi dteon t1s6 a4t, 3th5e9 s. taItr tc oofn tthinisu peedr itood ,r iasreo uanfdte 1r8 12814–266, .r Beayc 1h8in4g6 , mitso rpeo pulation had
than 30i0n,c0re0a0s epde rtoso 1n6s4 i,3n5 198. 9It7 c.ontinued to rise after 1846, reaching more than 300,000 persons in 1897.
The pTohpeu lpaotipounla ttrioenn dtrse nindds iicnadtiec athtea tth Aatl eAxlaenxdanridar iwa wasa st hteh ed drirviviinngg ffoorrccee bbeehhiinndd t hthe eu rubrabnainziaztiao-n of Egypt in
tion of tEheg yfiprstt ihna ltfh eo ffi thrset nhianleft eoefn tthh ec ennitnueryte. eOnnth t hcee ontthuerry .h aOnnd , tthhee ointhcreera shea nofd ,t hteh eu ribnacnr epaospeu loaft iothne i n the second
urban phoaplfu olaf ttihoen niinn ethteee nstehc ocenndt uhrayl fw oafs tmhaei nnliyn ectaeuesnedth b cye gnrtouwryth w ina sC maiaroin, lwyh cicahu sdeedv ebloyp gerdo aws tahn i nad ministrative
Cairo, wcehnitcerh adfteevr ethloep Berdi tiassh aonc caudpmatiinonis otrfa Etigvyep ct.e Tnhteer t iamftee lra gth ien Bthrei tdisehve olocpcmupenatt ioofn A olfe xEagnydrpita. aTnhde C airo reflects
time lagth einir tdhieff dereevnet lpoopsmitieonnts oinf Athlee xpoanlidtirciaal aencodn Comaiyr oo fr eEflgeycptts.4 their different positions in the po-
litical econTohme tyim oef oEfg Cyapvta.f4y, the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century, was the heyday of
modern Alexandria as a cosmopolitan city, and it is sometimes referred to as “la Belle Epoque”. Modern
The time of Cavafy, the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century,
Alexandria was a multicultural (religious and ethnical) city, where more than 10% of “foreigners” and
was the heyday of modern Alexandria as a cosmopolitan city, and it is sometimes referred to as
“minorities” coexisted with Egyptians and Muslims, as will be discussed in more detail below. The
“la Belle Epoque”. Modern Alexandria was a multicultural (religious and ethnical) city, where
Municipality of Alexandria was established in 1890. After being planned by foreign residents in the first half
more than 10% of “foreigners” and “minorities” coexisted with Egyptians and Muslims, as

4 Obviously, the two cities of Cairo and Alexandria were the major cities experiencing population
4 Obviously, the two cities of Cairo and Alexandria were the major cities experiencing population growth in the
growth in the twentieth century. As shown in Table 1, in 1897, Cairo (governorate) had only 525,029
twentieth century. As shown in Table 1, in 1897, Cairo (governorate) had only 525,029 residents, comprising 6.5%
residents, comprising 6.5% of the total population and Alexandria had only 315,844 residents, equaling
of the total population and Alexandria had only 315,844 residents, equaling 3.9% of the total population. The
3.9% of the total population. The population of these two cities grew steadily from this point, except for
population of these two cities grew steadily from this point, except for the period of depression, 1927–1937. The
the period of depression, 1927-37. The annual population growth reached peaks in Cairo of 4.8% during
annual population growth reached peaks in Cairo of 4.8% during 1937–1947, and in Alexandria of 3.9% during
1937-47, and in Alexandria of 3.9% during 1947-60.
1947–1960.
3
84 H. KATO AND E. IWASAKI
will be discussed in more detail below. The Municipality of Alexandria was established in
1890. After being planned by foreign residents in the first half of nineteenth century, the mu-
nicipality was initiated by the activity of the Alexandrian merchants.5 It was the first veritable
municipality in Egypt and, for a long time, the only one.
Table 1 Population of Cairo, Alexandria, and Egypt (1821-1907)
Population Average annual growth (%)
Total Cairo Alexandria Total Cairo Alexandria
1821-26 2,536,400 218,560 12,528 2.21 0.62 10.41
1846 4,476,439 256,679 164,359 0.63 0.98 0.01
1872 5,210,287 330,763 164,718 1.15 0.40 0.13
1877 5,517,627 337,462 165,752 3.98 3.38 7.01
1882 6,705,825 398,410 232,636 2.45 1.86 2.06
1897 9,634,752 525,029 315,844 1.51 2.60 1.14
1907 11,189,978 678,432 353,807 1.29 1.55 2.32
Source: Gouvernement Égyptien [1897: 8-9], Baer [1969: 134-135].
II. Alexandria in the world economy
1. The integration of Egypt into the world economy
The focus of our concern with Alexandria is on its structural change into modern Alex-
andria, which was accompanied by the population growth discussed. The growth of modern
Alexandria was deeply linked to its relationship with the outside world, especially Europe.
This point is illustrated by the external trade of the port of Alexandria. Graph 2 shows the
values of external trade in modern Egypt, as estimated by Crouchley [1938]. Almost all the
values relate to the port of Alexandria.
5 In contrast, the Municipality of Cairo was created only in 1949, when the Capitulation regime in
Egypt was finally abolished. Therefore, the Municipality of Cairo would have been established without
providing any special positions for foreigners. For more details on this subject, see Kato and Iwasaki
[2017].
ALEXANDRIA IN THE TIME OF CONSTANTINE CAVAFY (1863-1933) 85
Graph 2 Estimated values of external trade in modern Egypt (million pounds sterling)
Graph 2 Estimated values of external trade in modern Egypt (million pounds sterling)
14.0 12.9
12.2
12.0
s10.0 8.9 8.8
d
n 7.6
ou 8.0 7.1
p
n 
millio 6.0 44..17 44..26 5.3 5.0
1  4.0 32..07
2.3
2.0
11..75
2.0 1.0
00..55 0.2 0.3 0.2
0.0
1840 1849 1851‐55 1856‐60 1861‐65 1866‐70 1871‐75 1876‐80
Exportion Importation Balance of Trade
Source: Crouchley [1938: 137-138].
Source: Crouchley [1938: 137–138].
The graTphhe cglreaaprhly c lienadrilyc aitnedsi ctahtaets tthheatr eth wereer ew etwre ot wtuor ntuirnngin pgo pionitnst si ni nt hthee trtreennddss ffoorr eexxtteerrnnaal lt rade in Egypt,
trade in Ewghyepnt ,t hwe hveonlu tmhee ovfo eluxmteren aolf treaxdtee rsniganl itfriacdanet lsyi ginncifirecaasnedtl.y T ihnecsree awseerde. tTheh efisrest whaelrfe o tfh teh efi 1rs8t6 0s, during the
half of thceo 1tt8on6 0bso, odmu r(i1n8g6 1th–e1 8c6o5t)to, nw hbiocohm w a(s1 8c6au1s-e6d5 )b,y w thheic Ah mwearsic caanu Cseivdi lb Wy athr,e6 Aanmd etrhiec afnir sCt ihvaillf of the 1870s,
War,6 andim thmee dfiirastte lhya alff toerf tthhee o1p8e7n0insg, iomf tmhee dSiuaetze lCy aanfatle rin t h1e9 6o9p. ening of the Suez Canal in 1969.
A great Ad egarle aotf d leiatel roaft ulirteer ahtausr eb heaesn b peeunb lpiusbhleidsh oedn otnh eth iem impapcatc to of ft hthee AAmmeerriiccaann CCivivili lW Wara or no tnh e international
cotton market, including the Egyptian market. However, our concern, given our focus on the modernization of
the international cotton market, including the Egyptian market. However, our concern, given
Alexandria, is the gradual growth of the external trade in Egypt in the 1840s and 1850s. This growth was
our focus on the modernization of Alexandria, is the gradual growth of the external trade in
apparently caused by the expansion of the port of Alexandria’s facilities for the embarkation of large ships7
Egypt in the 1840s and 1850s. This growth was apparently caused by the expansion of the
port of Aalnedx athned orirag’asn ifzaactiilointi eosf tfhoer trtahfef ice mrobuatersk abtyi osnea oafn dla lragned sahroipuns7d aEngdy ptth, es hoorwgna niniz tahtei otinm oelfi nteh eb elow, which is
sometimes referred to as a “traffic revolution”.
traffic routes by sea and land around Egypt, shown in the timeline below, which is sometimes
referred to as a “traffic revolution”.
Timeline of the “traffic revolution” around Egypt in the mid-nineteenth century
1835 Steamship route between Alexandria and Marseille
Timeline of the “traffic revolution” around Egypt in the mid-nineteenth century
1836 Steamship route between Suez and Bombay
1835 Steamship route between Alexandria and Marseille
1855 Railroad line from Alexandria to Cairo
1836 Steamship route between Suez and Bombay
1858 Railroad line from Cairo to Suez
1855 Railroad line from Alexandria to Cairo
1869 Suez Canal
1858 Railroad line from Cairo to Suez
1869 Suez Canal

6 Table 21 on the volume and direction of Egyptian cotton exports (annual averages, measured in
6 Table 21 on the volume and direction of Egyptian cotton exports (annual averages, measured in cantars) in Owen
cantars) in Owen [1969: 161] shows that the total volume increased from 473,737 in 1850-54, to 518,632
[1969: 161] shows that the total volume increased from 473,737 in 1850–4, to 518,632 in 1855–9, 943,829 in 1860–
in 1855-59, 943,829 in 1860-64,706,480 in 1865-69, 1,892,302 in 1870-74, and to 2,229,800 in 1875-79.
4,706,480 in 1865–9, 1,892,302 in 1870–4, and to 2,229,800 in 1875–9. A cantar (or kantar) is approximately equal
A cantar (or kantar) is approximately equal to 99 lb or 45 kg.
to 99 lb or 45 kg.
7 On the expansion of the facilities of the port, see Malaval and Jondet [1912: 47-62].
7 On the expansion of the facilities of the port, see Malaval et al. [1912: 47–62].
5
86 H. KATO AND E. IWASAKI
As a result of this traffic revolution, from the 1830s to the 1850s the circumstances of for-
eign trade around Egypt were dramatically changed, and Egypt became a nexus linking the sea
and land routes from the Mediterranean to the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean. In fact, Alexan-
dria became one of the large international seaports in the Mediterranean in the latter half of the
nineteenth century (refer to Table 2 and Graph 10 (in color page) on the world large ports at
the beginning of 20th century).
Graphs 3 and 4 (in color page) show the changes in the international trading circumstances
and structure of Alexandria, providing a statistical comparison of the trading partners and trad-
ing in external goods at the port of Alexandria between 1831 and 1869.8
Regarding the trading partners in 1831, the top five, for both imports and exports, were
Turkey (accounting for 33.2% of exports and 46.8% of imports), Austria (25.2% and 17.5%),
Tuscany (11.6% and 17.1%), Britain (13.5% and 8.1%), and France (11.3% and 5.8%).
On the other hand, in the second half of the 1860s, the top five trading partners for imports
were Britain (accounting for 42.2% of total values), Turkey (14.8%), France (12.7%), Austria
(8.0%), and Syria and Italy (both 6.5%). For exports, the top four trading partners were Britain
(accounting for 76.7% of total values), France (12.9%), Austria (6.0%), and Italy and Turkey
(both 1.5%).
Regarding the goods traded in 1831, the top two imports were wood and cotton goods,
accounting for 42.2% (21.2% for wood and 21.0% for cotton goods) of total import values.
Wood was imported from Turkey and Austria. Cotton goods were imported from Tuscany,
Austria, and Britain. In relation to exports, cotton wool accounted for 36.5% of the total export
value. Almost all cotton was exported to Austria, Britain, and France.
By 1869, the top imports had changed to industrial goods, almost all of which were cotton
cloth and cotton thread, which accounted for 34% of import values. For exports, cotton and
cotton seeds were the two top trading goods, which accounted for 76.7% of export values.
These data indicate that Egypt was already well established in providing cotton exports to
Europe in the 1830s, as cotton already accounted for a considerable portion of export values
(36.5%). However, it is instructive that the first import partner was not Britain or France, but
Austria. In addition, the second highest export good was cereals (15.6%), with Tuscany, Aus-
tria, Malta, and Turkey being the most important import partners, in that order.
Special attention must be paid to the trading of goods between Egypt and Turkey, as the
latter was Egypt’s first trading partner. The statistics show that the two most traded goods were
wood and cotton products for imports, and rice and linen for exports. We can judge from this
fact that the trade between Egypt and Turkey had multiple structures because Egypt and Tur-
key exchanged both primary materials and secondary industrial goods with each other.9
8 For more details, see Kato [1998]. We could not find data on trading partners in 1869; only the
data for 1865-69 were available.
9 The port of Alexandria was directed toward the Mediterranean. Taking into account the overland
ALEXANDRIA IN THE TIME OF CONSTANTINE CAVAFY (1863-1933) 87
By 1869, we can observe completely different features in the trading structure. The share
of the “Great Powers” in Egypt’s foreign trade increased tremendously in 1869, compared with
their share in 1831. Britain and France accounted for 54.9% of imports and 89.6% of exports
in 1869, compared with 24.8% of imports and 13.9% of exports in 1831. In particular, the
share of Britain in exports was overwhelming.
The difference between 1831 and 1869 in the structure of the external trade in Alexandria
is decisive. It indicates that Egypt was integrated into the modern world economic system, the
center of which was Europe, and had a monocultural economy, which was largely based on the
cotton plant.
However, in 1831, as mentioned above, Egypt’s top five trading partners were Turkey,
Austria, Tuscany, Britain, and France. Egypt’s next most important trading partners were Mal-
ta, Greece, and Sardinia, all located in either the Aegean Sea or the Adriatic Sea. Consequently,
we can assume that there was an eastern Mediterranean trading market in 1831 (see Map 1 in
color page). Moreover, this market had multiple structures as it involved primary materials and
secondary industrial goods being exchanged.
In conclusion, Alexandria changed its location in the world economy in the middle of the
nineteenth century, from an important port in the eastern Mediterranean to becoming the colo-
nial bridgehead in the modern world system. This indicates that Egypt had been integrated into
the world economy before Cavafy was born in 1863.
2. The heyday of the European hegemony in the Mediterranean trade
The rapid increase of the volume of trade in Egypt in the first half of the 1860s was caused
by the cotton boom (1861-65). However, as mentioned above, the expansion of the facilities
of the port of Alexandria and the organization of the sea and land traffic routes around Egypt
were more important for the development of Alexandria from a long-term perspective.
The cotton boom determined the basic trade structure of Egypt’s monocultural economy,
based on the cotton plant, in the second half of the nineteenth century. The origins of this focus
on cotton can be seen in the orientation of the trade structure of Alexandria toward cotton ex-
ports in 1831, as mentioned before.
Certainly, the increase in the trade volume of Alexandria stopped immediately after the
end of the cotton boom10 in the latter half of the 1860s. However, Alexandria soon experienced
a second rapid increase in its trade volume in the first half of the 1870s, this time driven by the
opening of the Suez Canal in 1869. The opening of the Suez Canal was the final stage of the
trade with Libya, Sudan, and Syria, and the trade passing through the Red Sea toward the Arabian Sea
and the Indian Ocean, it hardly seems an exaggeration to state that Egypt was coming to be regarded as a
regional trading power, instead of the Ottoman Empire. In fact, Egypt sought entry into foreign markets
and expanded its trading in the Arabian Peninsula, Sudan, Ethiopia, Crete, Cyprus, and Syria [Kato 1998:
106-107].
10 In addition, see note (6).
88 H. KATO AND E. IWASAKI
“traffic revolution” that occurred in the middle of the nineteenth century, as noted in the time-
line on the “traffic revolution” above.
Then, it is interesting to ask, did the trade structure of Alexandria change after the opening
of the Suez Canal? And, if it changed, what kind of change occurred? Graph 5 (in color page)
shows the trading partners and the trading goods in Alexandria in 1878, nine years after the
opening of the Suez Canal.
The top three trading partners of Alexandria in 1878 in relation to imports were Britain
(accounting for 53.0% of total values), France (20.1%), and Austria-Hungary (13.1%). For
exports, they were Britain (61.0%), France (12.1%), and Russia (11.9%). The top three trad-
ing goods for imports were cotton products (27.9%), coal (7.1%), and ready-made clothes
(5.4%);11 for exports, they were cotton (64.5%), cotton seeds (11.6%), and sugar (10.6%).
These statistics indicate that the main trading partners of Alexandria were the European
countries, for both imports and exports, and the main traded goods were manufactured items
and fuel for imports, and raw materials for exports. In comparison with the trade structure in
1869, shown in Graph 4, the trade structure in 1878 had changed very little. This indicates that
the structure of the external trade in Alexandria did not significantly change after the opening
of the Suez Canal, despite the literature frequently stating that the Suez Canal had a huge im-
pact on the world economy.
Alexandria had an overwhelmingly important place in the external trade of Egypt. After
the opening of the Suez Canal, the main ports in Egypt were Alexandria, Damietta, Arish, and
Port Said in the Mediterranean, and Suez and Qusair in the Red Sea (see Map 2 in color page).
Except for Port Said, these port cities were long established and well known from ancient
times. Port Said is located at the north end of the Suez Canal. It was built in 1859 as the base
for the building of the Suez Canal and was named after Egyptian ruler of the time, Said Pasha.
Graph 6 (in color page) provides a comparison of the trade volumes in six port cities in
1878. Their shares in the total volume of imports are 82.3% for Alexandria, 0.4% for Dami-
etta, close to 0% for Arish, 9.9% for Port Said, 7.4% for Suez, and close to 0% for Qusair. For
exports, the shares are 95.5% for Alexandria, 2.5% for Damietta, close to 0% for Arish, 0.5%
for Port Said, 1.4% for Suez, and 0.1% for Qusair. The remarkable position of Alexandria in
the external trade in Egypt is obvious in 1878.12
11 Interestingly, the mercantile goods for import had more variability than those for export.
12 For more detail regarding the trade structures (the trading partners and trading goods) of the six
ports, refer to Hiroshi Kato, “Categorization of Egyptian Port Cities in 1878”, Journal of Asian Network
for GIS-based Studies (JANGIS), No. 4 (forthcoming).
ALEXANDRIA IN THE TIME OF CONSTANTINE CAVAFY (1863-1933) 89
Graph 3a Trading partners of Alexandria (1831) (unit: Egyptian Pound)
Import (total: 389,466 E.P.) Export (total: 412,287 E.P.)
Britain 8.1%
Britain 13.5%
Malta 3.4%
Malta 2.9%
France 5.8%
France 11.3%
Austria 17.5%
Austria 25.2%
Tuscany 17.1%
Tuscany 11.6%
Sardinia 0.4%
Greece 1.3%
Greece 0.6%
Ottoman Empire 33.2%
Sweden 0.3%
(Turkey)
Ottoman Empire 46.8% Others 1.0%
(Turkey)
Graph 3b Main goods traded in Alexandria (1831)
Import Export
Cotton goods 21.0% Cotton wool 36.5%
Wood 21.2% Sundries 19.2%
Various articles 27.3% Dry 15.6%
Others 30.5% Others 28.7%
Source: Kato [1998: 104-105].
Graph 4a Trading partners of Alexandria (1865-69 average) (unit: Sterling Pound)
Import (total: 5.21 million pounds) Export (total: 9.25 million pounds)
Britain 42.2% Britain 76.7%
France 12.7% France 12.9%
Austria 8.0% Austria 6.0%
Italy 6.5% Italy 1.5%
Ottoman Empire 14.8% Ottoman Empire 1.5%
(Turkey) (Turkey)
Syria 6.5% Syria 0.1%
Others 9.3% Others 1.3%
Source: Kato [1998: 108].
Graph 4b Goods traded in Alexandria (1869) (unit: Sterling Pound)
Import (total: 5.17 million pounds) Export (total: 8.31 million pounds)
Industrial goods 34.0% Cotton 69.9%
Groceries 6.0% Cotton seeds 6.7%
Building stone 5.2% Sugar 4.5%
Coal 5.0% Sugar cane 0.7%
Others 49.9% Others 18.2%
Source: Kato [1998: 108].
90 H. KATO AND E. IWASAKI
Map 1 East Mediterranean trade networks in 1831
③
②
⑥
①
④
⑤
① Cagliari (Sardigna)
② Livorno
⑦
③ Venice
④ Valletta (Malta)
⑤ Athens
⑥ Istanbul
⑦ Alexandria
Graph 5a Main trading partners of Alexandria (1878) (unit: Egyptian Piastre)
Import (total: 398,856,927 E.P.) Export (total: 773,510,638 E.P.)
Britain 53.0% Britain 61.0%
France 20.1% France 12.1%
Austria-Hungary 13.1% Russia 11.9%
Others 13.8% Others 15.0%
Graph 5b Main goods traded in Alexandria (1878)
Import Export
Cotton products 27.9% Cotton 64.5%
Coal 7.1% Cotton seeds 12.0%
Ready-made clothes 5.4% Sugar 10.6%
Others 59.6% Others 12.9%
Source: Ministère de l’Intérieur [1879: 124-125, 145-146].