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The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Works of Robert G. Ingersoll, Vol. 11 (of 12), by Robert G. Ingersoll This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org Title: The Works of Robert G. Ingersoll, Vol. 11 (of 12) Dresden Edition--Miscellany Author: Robert G. Ingersoll Release Date: February 9, 2012 [EBook #38811] Last Updated: November 15, 2012 Language: English Character set encoding: ASCII *** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WORKS OF INGERSOLL *** Produced by David Widger THE WORKS OF ROBERT G. INGERSOLL By Robert G. Ingersoll "TO PLOW IS TO PRAY; TO PLANT IS TO PROPHESY, AND THE HARVEST ANSWERS AND FULFILLS." IN TWELVE VOLUMES, VOLUME XI. MISCELLANY 1900 DRESDEN EDITION This file has been formatted in a very plain format for use with tablet readers. Those wishing to view this eBook in its normal more appealing format for laptops and other computers may click on this line to to view the original HTML file. titlepage (64K) frontispiece (64K) North View of "Walston," Dobbs Ferry-on-Hudson, New York Contents CONTENTS OF VOLUME XI. ADDRESS ON THE CIVIL RIGHTS ACT. TRIAL OF C. B. REYNOLDS FOR BLASPHEMY. GOD IN THE CONSTITUTION. A REPLY TO BISHOP SPALDING. CRIMES AGAINST CRIMINALS. A WOODEN GOD. SOME INTERROGATION POINTS. ART AND MORALITY. THE DIVIDED HOUSEHOLD OF FAITH. WHY AM I AN AGNOSTIC? HUXLEY AND AGNOSTICISM. ERNEST RENAN. TOLSTOÏ AND "THE KREUTZER SONATA." THOMAS PAINE. THE THREE PHILANTHROPISTS. SHOULD THE CHINESE BE EXCLUDED? A WORD ABOUT EDUCATION. WHAT I WANT FOR CHRISTMAS. FOOL FRIENDS. INSPIRATION THE TRUTH OF HISTORY. HOW TO EDIT A LIBERAL PAPER. SECULARISM. CRITICISM OF "ROBERT ELSMERE," "JOHN WARD, PREACHER," AND "AN AFRICAN FARM." THE LIBEL LAWS REV. DR. NEWTON'S SERMON ON A NEW RELIGION. AN ESSAY ON CHRISTMAS. HAS FREETHOUGHT A CONSTRUCTIVE SIDE? THE IMPROVED MAN. EIGHT HOURS MUST COME. THE JEWS. CRUMBLING CREEDS. OUR SCHOOLS. VIVISECTION. THE CENSUS ENUMERATOR'S OFFICIAL CATECHISM. THE AGNOSTIC CHRISTMAS SPIRITUALITY. SUMTER'S GUN. WHAT INFIDELS HAVE DONE. CRUELTY IN THE ELMIRA REFORMATORY. LAW'S DELAY. THE BIGOTRY OF COLLEGES. A YOUNG MAN'S CHANCES TO-DAY. SCIENCE AND SENTIMENT. SOWING AND REAPING. SHOULD INFIDELS SEND THEIR CHILDREN TO SUNDAY SCHOOL? WHAT WOULD YOU SUBSTITUTE FOR THE BIBLE AS A MORAL GUIDE? GOVERNOR ROLLINS' FAST-DAY PROCLAMATION. A LOOK BACKWARD AND A PROPHECY. POLITICAL MORALITY. A FEW REASONS FOR DOUBTING THE INSPIRATION OF THE BIBLE. CONTENTS OF VOLUME XI. ADDRESS ON THE CIVIL RIGHTS ACT. Introduction by Frederick Douglass("Abou Ben Adhem")—Decision of the United States Supreme Court pronouncing the Civil Rights Act Unconstitutional—Limitations of Judges—Illusion Destroyed by the Decision in the Dred Scott Case—Mistake of Our Fathers in adopting the Common Law of England—The 13th Amendment to the Constitution Quoted—The Clause of the Constitution upholding Slavery—Effect of this Clause—Definitions of a State by Justice Wilson and Chief Justice Chase—Effect of the Thirteenth Amendment—Justice Field on Involuntary Servitude—Civil Rights Act Quoted—Definition of the Word Servitude by the Supreme Court—Obvious Purpose of the Amendment—Justice Miller on the 14th Amendment—Citizens Created by this Amendment—Opinion of Justice Field—Rights and Immunities guaranteed by the Constitution—Opinion delivered by Chief-Justice Waite—Further Opinions of Courts on the question of Citizenship—Effect of the 13th, 14th and 15th Amendments—"Corrective" Legislation by Congress—Denial of equal "Social" Privileges—Is a State responsible for the Action of its Agent when acting contrary to Law?—The Word "State" must include the People of the State as well as the Officers of the State—The Louisiana Civil Rights Law, and a Case tried under it—Uniformity of Duties essential to the Carrier—Congress left Powerless to protect Rights conferred by the Constitution—Definition of "Appropriate Legislation"—Propositions laid down regarding the Sovereignty of the State, the powers of the General Government, etc.—A Tribute to Justice Harlan—A Denial that Property exists by Virtue of Law—Civil Rights not a Question of Social Equality—Considerations upon which Social Equality depends—Liberty not a Question of Social Equality—The Superior Man—Inconsistencies of the Past—No Reason why we should Hate the Colored People—The Issues that are upon Us. TRIAL OF C. B. REYNOLDS FOR BLASPHEMY. ADDRESS TO THE JURY. Report of the Case from the New York Times (note)—The Right to express Opinions—Attempts to Rule the Minds of Men by Force—Liberty the Greatest Good—Intellectual Hospitality Defined—When the Catholic Church had Power—Advent of the Protestants—The Puritans, Quakers. Unitarians, Universalists—What is Blasphemy?—Why this Trial should not have Taken Place—Argument cannot be put in Jail—The Constitution of New Jersey—A higher Law than Men can Make—The Blasphemy Statute Quoted and Discussed—Is the Statute Constitutional?—The Harm done by Blasphemy Laws—The Meaning of this Persecution—Religions are Ephemeral—Let us judge each other by our Actions—Men who have braved Public Opinion should be Honored—The Blasphemy Law if enforced would rob the World of the Results of Scientific Research—It declares the Great Men of to-day to be Criminals—The Indictment Read and Commented upon—Laws that go to Sleep—Obsolete Dogmas the Denial of which was once punished by Death—Blasphemy Characterized—On the Argument that Blasphemy Endangers the Public Peace—A Definition of real Blasphemy—Trials for Blasphemy in England—The case of Abner Kneeland—True Worship, Prayer, and Religion—What is Holy and Sacred—What is Claimed in this Case—For the Honor of the State—The word Liberty—Result of the Trial (note). GOD IN THE CONSTITUTION. The Feudal System—Office and Purpose of our Constitution—Which God shall we Select?—The Existence of any God a Matter of Opinion—What is entailed by a Recognition of a God in the Constitution—Can the Infinite be Flattered with a Constitutional Amendment?—This government is Secular—The Government of God a Failure—The Difference between the Theological and the Secular Spirit—A Nation neither Christian nor Infidel—The Priest no longer a Necessity—Progress of Science and the Development of the Mind. A REPLY TO BISHOP SPALDING. On God in the Constitution—Why the Constitutional Convention ignored the Question of Religion—The Fathers Misrepresented—Reasons why the Attributes of God should not form an Organic Part of the Law of the Land—The Effect of a Clause Recognizing God. CRIMES AGAINST CRIMINALS. The Three Pests of a Community—I. Forms of Punishment and Torture—More Crimes Committed than Prevented by Governments—II. Are not Vices transmitted by Nature?—111. Is it Possible for all People to be Honest?—Children of Vice as the natural Product of Society—Statistics: the Relation between Insanity, Pauperism, and Crime—IV. The Martyrs of Vice—Franklin's Interest in the Treatment of Prisoners—V. Kindness as a Remedy—Condition of the Discharged Prisoner—VI. Compensation for Convicts—VII. Professional Criminals—Shall the Nation take Life?—Influence of Public Executions on the Spectators—Lynchers for the Most Part Criminals at Heart—VIII. The Poverty of the Many a perpetual Menace—Limitations of Land-holding.—IX. Defective Education by our Schools—Hands should be educated as well as Head—Conduct improved by a clearer Perception of Consequences—X. The Discipline of the average Prison Hardening and Degrading—While Society cringes before Great Thieves there will be Little Ones to fill the Jails—XI. Our Ignorance Should make us Hesitate. A WOODEN GOD. On Christian and Chinese worship—Report of the Select Committee on Chinese Immigration—The only true God as contrasted with Joss—Sacrifices to the "Living God"—Messrs. Wright, Dickey, O'Connor and Murch on the "Religious System" of the American Union—How to prove that Christians are better than Heathens—Injustice in the Name of God—An honest Merchant the best Missionary—A Few Extracts from Confucius—The Report proves that the Wise Men of China who predicted that Christians could not be Trusted were not only Philosophers but Prophets. SOME INTERROGATION POINTS. A New Party and its Purpose—The Classes that Exist in every Country—Effect of Education on the Common People—Wants Increased by Intelligence—The Dream of 1776—The Monopolist and the Competitor—The War between the Gould and Mackay Cables—Competition between Monopolies—All Advance in Legislation made by Repealing Laws—Wages and Values not to be fixed by Law—Men and Machines—The Specific of the Capitalist: Economy—The poor Man and Woman devoured by their Fellow-men—Socialism one of the Worst Possible forms of Slavery—Liberty not to be exchanged for Comfort—Will the Workers always give their Earnings for the Useless?—Priests, Successful Frauds, and Robed Impostors. ART AND MORALITY. The Origin of Man's Thoughts—The imaginative Man—"Medicinal View" of Poetry—Rhyme and Religion—The theological Poets and their Purpose in Writing—Moral Poets and their "Unwelcome Truths"—The really Passionate are the Virtuous—Difference between the Nude and the Naked—Morality the Melody of Conduct—The inculcation of Moral Lessons not contemplated by Artists or great Novelists—Mistaken Reformers—Art not a Sermon—Language a Multitude of Pictures—Great Pictures and Great Statues painted and chiseled with Words—Mediocrity moral from a Necessity which it calls Virtue—Why Art Civilizes—The Nude—The Venus de Milo—This is Art. THE DIVIDED HOUSEHOLD OF FAITH. The Way in which Theological Seminaries were Endowed—Religious Guide-boards—Vast Interests interwoven with Creeds—Pretensions of Christianity—Kepler's Discovery of his Three Great Laws—Equivocations and Evasions of the Church—Nature's Testimony against the Bible—The Age of Man on the Earth—"Inspired" Morality of the Bible—Miracles—Christian Dogmas—What the church has been Compelled to Abandon—The Appeal to Epithets, Hatred and Punishment—"Spirituality" the last Resource of the Orthodox—What is it to be Spiritual?—Two Questions for the Defenders of Orthodox Creeds. WHY AM I AN AGNOSTIC? Part I. Inharmony of Nature and the Lot of Man with the Goodness and Wisdom of a supposed Deity—Why a Creator is Imagined—Difficulty of the Act of Creation—Belief in Supernatural Beings—Belief and Worship among Savages—Questions of Origin and Destiny—Progress impossible without Change of Belief—Circumstances Determining Belief—How may the True Religion be Ascertained?—Prosperity of Nations nor Virtue of Individuals Dependent on Religions or Gods—Uninspired Books Superior—Part II. The Christian Religion—Credulity—Miracles cannot be Established—Effect of Testimony—Miraculous Qualities of all Religions—Theists and Naturalists—The Miracle of Inspiration—How can the alleged Fact of Inspiration be Established?—God's work and Man's—Rewards for Falsehood offered by the Church. HUXLEY AND AGNOSTICISM. Statement by the Principal of King's College—On the Irrelevancy of a Lack of Scientific Knowledge—Difference between the Agnostic and the Christian not in Knowledge but in Credulity—The real name of an Agnostic said to be "Infidel"—What an Infidel is—"Unpleasant" significance of the Word—Belief in Christ—"Our Lord and his Apostles" possibly Honest Men—Their Character not Invoked—Possession by evil spirits—Professor Huxley's Candor and Clearness—The splendid Dream of Auguste Comte—Statement of the Positive Philosophy—Huxley and Harrison. ERNEST RENAN. His Rearing and his Anticipated Biography—The complex Character of the Christ of the Gospels—Regarded as a Man by Renan—The Sin against the Holy Ghost—Renan on the Gospels—No Evidence that they were written by the Men whose Names they Bear—Written long after the Events they Describe—Metaphysics of the Church found in the Gospel of John—Not Apparent why Four Gospels should have been Written—Regarded as legendary Biographies—In "flagrant contradiction one with another"—The Divine Origin of Christ an After-growth—Improbable that he intended to form a Church—Renan's Limitations—Hebrew Scholarship—His "People of Israel"—His Banter and Blasphemy. TOLSTOY AND "THE KREUTZER SONATA." Tolstoy's Belief and Philosophy—His Asceticism—His View of Human Love—Purpose of "The Kreutzer Sonata"—Profound Difference between the Love of Men and that of Women—Tolstoy cannot now found a Religion, but may create the Necessity for another Asylum—The Emotions—The Curious Opinion Dried Apples have of Fruit upon the Tree—Impracticability of selling All and giving to the Poor—Love and Obedience—Unhappiness in the Marriage Relation not the fault of Marriage. THOMAS PAINE. Life by Moncure D. Conway—Early Advocacy of Reforms against Dueling and Cruelty to Animals—The First to write "The United States of America"—Washington's Sentiment against Separation from Great Britain—Paine's Thoughts in the Declaration of Independence—Author of the first Proclamation of Emancipation in America—Establishment of a Fund for the Relief of the Army—H's "Farewell Address"—The "Rights of Man"—Elected to the French Convention—Efforts to save the Life of the King—His Thoughts on Religion—Arrested—The "Age of Reason" and the Weapons it has furnished "Advanced Theologians"—Neglect by Gouverneur Morris and Washington—James Monroe's letter to Paine and to the Committee of General Safety—The vaunted Religious Liberty of Colonial Maryland—Orthodox Christianity at the Beginning of the 19th Century—New Definitions of God—The Funeral of Paine. THE THREE PHILANTHROPISTS. I. Mr. A., the Professional Philanthropist, who established a Colony for the Enslavement of the Poor who could not take care of themselves, amassed a large Fortune thereby, built several churches, and earned the Epitaph, "He was the Providence of the Poor"—II. Mr. B., the Manufacturer, who enriched himself by taking advantage of the Necessities of the Poor, paid the lowest Rate of Wages, considered himself one of God's Stewards, endowed the "B Asylum" and the "B College," never lost a Dollar, and of whom it was recorded, "He Lived for Others." III. Mr. C., who divided his Profits with the People who had earned it, established no Public Institutions, suppressed Nobody; and those who have worked for him said, "He allowed Others to live for Themselves." SHOULD THE CHINESE BE EXCLUDED? SHOULD THE CHINESE BE EXCLUDED? Trampling on the Rights of Inferiors—Rise of the Irish and Germans to Power—The Burlingame Treaty—Character of Chinese Laborers—Their Enemies in the Pacific States—Violation of Treaties—The Geary Law—The Chinese Hated for their Virtues—More Piety than Principle among the People's Representatives—Shall we go back to Barbarism? A WORD ABOUT EDUCATION. What the Educated Man Knows—Necessity of finding out the Facts of Nature—"Scholars" not always Educated Men; from necessaries to luxuries; who may be called educated; mental misers; the first duty of man; university education not necessary to usefulness, no advantage in learning useless facts. WHAT I WANT FOR CHRISTMAS. Would have the Kings and Emperors resign, the Nobility drop their Titles, the Professors agree to teach only What they Know, the Politicians changed to Statesmen, the Editors print only the Truth—Would like to see Drunkenness and Prohibition abolished, Corporal Punishment done away with, and the whole World free. FOOL FRIENDS. The Fool Friend believes every Story against you, never denies a Lie unless it is in your Favor, regards your Reputation as Common Prey, forgets his Principles to gratify your Enemies, and is so friendly that you cannot Kick him. INSPIRATION. Nature tells a different Story to all Eyes and Ears—Horace Greeley and the Big Trees—The Man who "always did like rolling land"—What the Snow looked like to the German—Shakespeare's different Story for each Reader—As with Nature so with the Bible. THE TRUTH OF HISTORY. People who live by Lying—A Case in point—H. Hodson Rugg's Account of the Conversion of Ingersoll and 5,000 of his Followers—The "Identity of Lost Israel with the British Nation"—Old Falsehoods about Infidels—The New York Observer and Thomas Paine—A Rascally English Editor—The Charge that Ingersoll's Son had been Converted—The Fecundity of Falsehood. HOW TO EDIT A LIBERAL PAPER. The Editor should not narrow his Horizon so that he can see only One Thing—To know the Defects of the Bible is but the Beginning of Wisdom—The Liberal Paper should not discuss Theological Questions Alone—A Column for Children—Candor and Kindness—Nothing should be Asserted that is not Known—Above All, teach the Absolute Freedom of the Mind. SECULARISM. The religion of Humanity; what it Embraces and what it Advocates—A Protest against Ecclesiastical Tyranny—Believes in Building a Home here—Means Food and Fireside—The Right to express your Thought—Its advice to every Human Being—A Religion without Mysteries, Miracles, or Persecutions. CRITICISM OF "ROBERT ELSMERE," "JOHN WARD, PREACHER," AND "AN AFRICAN FARM." Religion unsoftened by Infidelity—The Orthodox Minister whose Wife has a Heart—Honesty of Opinion not a Mitigating Circumstance—Repulsiveness of an Orthodox Life—John Ward an Object of Pity—Lyndall of the "African Farm"—The Story of the Hunter—Death of Waldo—Women the Caryatides of the Church—Attitude of Christianity toward other Religions—Egotism of the ancient Jews. THE LIBEL LAWS. All Articles appearing in a newspaper should be Signed by the Writer—The Law if changed should throw greater Safeguards around the Reputation of the Citizen—Pains should be taken to give Prominence to Retractions—The Libel Laws like a Bayonet in War. REV. DR. NEWTON'S SERMON ON A NEW RELIGION. REV. DR. NEWTON'S SERMON ON A NEW RELIGION. Mr. Newton not Regarded as a Sceptic—New Meanings given to Old Words—The vanishing Picture of Hell—The Atonement—Confidence being Lost in the Morality of the Gospel—Exclusiveness of the Churches—The Hope of Immortality and Belief in God have Nothing to do with Real Religion—Special Providence a Mistake. AN ESSAY ON CHRISTMAS. The Day regarded as a Holiday—A Festival far older than Christianity—Relics of Sun-worship in Christian Ceremonies—Christianity furnished new Steam for an old Engine—Pagan Festivals correspond to Ours—Why Holidays are Popular—They must be for the Benefit of the People. HAS FREETHOUGHT A CONSTRUCTIVE SIDE? The Object of Freethought—what the Religionist calls "Affirmative and Positive"—The Positive Side of Freethought—Constructive Work of Christianity. THE IMPROVED MAN. He will be in Favor of universal Liberty, neither Master nor Slave; of Equality and Education; will develop in the Direction of the Beautiful; will believe only in the Religion of this World—His Motto—Will not endeavor to change the Mind of the "Infinite"—Will have no Bells or Censers—Will be satisfied that the Supernatural does not exist—Will be Self-poised, Independent, Candid and Free. EIGHT HOURS MUST COME. The Working People should be protected by Law—Life of no particular Importance to the Man who gets up before Daylight and works till after Dark—A Revolution probable in the Relations between Labor and Capital—Working People becoming Educated and more Independent—The Government can Aid by means of Good Laws—Women the worst Paid—There should be no Resort to Force by either Labor or Capital. THE JEWS. Much like People of other Religions—Teaching given Christian Children about those who die in the Faith of Abraham—Dr. John Hall on the Persecution of the Jews in Russia as the Fulfillment of Prophecy—Hostility of Orthodox early Christians excited by Jewish Witnesses against the Faith—An infamous Chapter of History—Good and bad Men of every Faith—Jews should outgrow their own Superstitions—What the intelligent Jew Knows. CRUMBLING CREEDS. CRUMBLING CREEDS. The Common People called upon to Decide as between the Universities and the Synods—Modern Medicine, Law, Literature and Pictures as against the Old—Creeds agree with the Sciences of their Day—Apology the Prelude to Retreat—The Presbyterian Creed Infamous, but no worse than the Catholic—Progress begins when Expression of Opinion is Allowed—Examining the Religions of other Countries—The Pulpit's Position Lost—The Dogma of Eternal Pain the Cause of the orthodox Creeds losing Popularity—Every Church teaching this Infinite Lie must Fall. OUR SCHOOLS. OUR SCHOOLS. Education the only Lever capable of raising Mankind—The School-house more Important than the Church—Criticism of New York's School-Buildings—The Kindergarten System Recommended—Poor Pay of Teachers—The great Danger to the Republic is Ignorance. VIVISECTION. The Hell of Science—Brutal Curiosity of Vivisectors—The Pretence that they are working for the Good of Man—Have these scientific Assassins added to useful Knowledge?—No Good to the Race to be Accomplished by Torture—The Tendency to produce a Race of intelligent Wild Beasts. THE CENSUS ENUMERATOR'S OFFICIAL CATECHISM. Right of the Government to ask Questions and of the Citizen to refuse to answer them—Matters which the Government has no Right to pry into—Exposing the Debtor's financial Condition—A Man might decline to tell whether he has a Chronic Disease or not. THE AGNOSTIC CHRISTMAS. Natural Phenomena and Myths celebrated—The great Day of the first Religion, Sun-worship—A God that Knew no Hatred nor Sought Revenge—The Festival of Light. SPIRITUALITY. A much-abused Word—The Early Christians too Spiritual to be Civilized—Calvin and Knox—Paine, Voltaire and Humboldt not Spiritual—Darwin also Lacking—What it is to be really Spiritual—No connection with Superstition. SUMTER'S GUN. What were thereby blown into Rags and Ravelings—The Birth of a new Epoch announced—Lincoln made the most commanding Figure of the Century—Story of its Echoes. WHAT INFIDELS HAVE DONE. What might have been Asked of a Christian 100 years after Christ—Hospitals and Asylums not all built for Charity—Girard College—Lick Observatory—Carnegie not an Orthodox Christian—Christian Colleges—Give us Time. CRUELTY IN THE ELMIRA REFORMATORY. Brockway a Savage—The Lash will neither develop the Brain nor cultivate the Heart—Brutality a Failure—Bishop Potter's apostolical Remark. LAW'S DELAY. The Object of a Trial—Justice can afford to Wait—The right of Appeal—Case of Mrs. Maybrick—Life Imprisonment for Murderers—American Courts better than the English. BIGOTRY OF COLLEGES. Universities naturally Conservative—Kansas State University's Objection to Ingersoll as a commencement Orator—Comment by Mr. Depew (note)—Action of Cornell and the University of Missouri. A YOUNG MAN'S CHANCES TO-DAY. The Chances a few Years ago—Capital now Required—Increasing competition in Civilized Life—Independence the first Object—If he has something to say, there will be plenty to listen. SCIENCE AND SENTIMENT. Science goes hand in hand with Imagination—Artistic and Ethical Development—Science destroys Superstition, not true Religion—Education preferable to Legislation—Our Obligation to our Children. "SOWING AND REAPING." Moody's Belief accounted for—A dishonest and corrupting Doctrine—A want of Philosophy and Sense—Have Souls in Heaven no Regrets?—Mr. Moody should read some useful Books. SHOULD INFIDELS SEND THEIR CHILDREN TO SUNDAY SCHOOL? Teachings of orthodox Sunday Schools—The ferocious God of the Bible—Miracles—A Christian in Constantinople would not send his Child to a Mosque—Advice to all Agnostics—Strangle the Serpent of Superstition. WHAT WOULD YOU SUBSTITUTE FOR THE BIBLE AS A MORAL GUIDE? Character of the Bible—Men and Women not virtuous because of any Book—The Commandments both Good and Bad—Books that do not help Morality—Jehovah not a moral God—What is Morality?—Intelligence the only moral guide. GOVERNOR ROLLINS' FAST-DAY PROCLAMATION. Decline of the Christian Religion in New Hampshire—Outgrown Beliefs—Present-day Views of Christ and the Holy Ghost—Abandoned Notions about the Atonement—Salvation for Credulity—The Miracles of the New Testament—The Bible "not true but inspired"—The "Higher Critics" riding two Horses—Infidelity in the Pulpit—The "restraining Influences of Religion" as illustrated by Spain and Portugal—Thinking, Working and Praying—The kind of Faith that has Departed. A LOOK BACKWARD AND A PROPHECY. The Truth Seeker congratulated on its Twenty-fifth Birthday—Teachings of Twenty-five Years ago—Dodging and evading—The Clerical Assault on Darwin—Draper, Buckle, Hegel, Spencer, Emerson—Comparison of Prejudices—Vanished Belief in the Devil—Matter and Force—Contradictions Dwelling in Unity—Substitutes for Jehovah—A Prophecy. POLITICAL MORALITY. Argument in the contested Election Case of Strobach against Herbert—The Importance of Honest Elections—Poisoning the Source of Justice—The Fraudulent Voter a Traitor to his Sovereign, the Will of the People—Political Morality Imperative. A FEW REASONS FOR DOUBTING THE INSPIRATION OF THE BIBLE. Date and Manner of Composing the Old Testament—Other Books not now in Existence, and Disagreements about the Canon—Composite Character of certain Books—Various Versions—Why was God's message given to the Jews alone?—The Story of the Creation, of the Flood, of the Tower, and of Lot's wife—Moses and Aaron and the Plagues of Egypt—Laws of Slavery—Instructions by Jehovah Calculated to excite Astonishment and Mirth—Sacrifices and the Scapegoat—Passages showing that the Laws of Moses were made after the Jews had left the Desert—Jehovah's dealings with his People—The Sabbath Law—Prodigies—Joshua's Miracle—Damned Ignorance and Infamy—Jephthah's Sacrifice—Incredible Stories—The Woman of Endor and the Temptation of David—Elijah and Elisha—Loss of the Pentateuch from Moses to Josiah—The Jews before and after being Abandoned by Jehovah—Wealth of Solomon and other Marvels. ADDRESS ON THE CIVIL RIGHTS ACT. ON the 22d of October, 1883, a vast number of citizens met at Lincoln Hall, Washington, D. C., to give expression to their views concerning the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, in which it is held that the Civil Rights Act is unconstitutional. Col. Robert G. Ingersoll was one of the speakers. The Hon. Frederick Douglass introduced him as follows: Abou Ben Adhem—(may his tribe increase!) Awoke one night from a deep dream of peace, And saw within the moonlight of his room, Making it rich and like a lily in bloom, An angel writing in a book of gold: Exceeding peace had made Ben Adhem bold; And to the presence in the room he said, "What writest thou?" The vision raised its head, And, with a look made all of sweet accord, Answered, "The names of those who love the Lord." "And is mine one?" asked Abou. "Nay, not so," Replied the angel. Abou spoke more low, But cheerily still; and said, "I pray thee, then, Write me as one that loves his fellow-men." The angel wrote, and vanished. The next night It came again, with a great wakening light, And showed the names whom love of God had blest; And, lo! Ben Adhem's name led all the rest. I have the honor to introduce Robert G. Ingersoll. MR. INGERSOLL'S SPEECH. Ladies and Gentlemen: We have met for the purpose of saying a few words about the recent decision of the Supreme Court, in which that tribunal has held the first and second sections of the Civil Rights Act to be unconstitutional; and so held in spite of the fact that for years the people of the North and South have, with singular unanimity, supposed the Act to be constitutional—supposed that it was upheld by the 13th and 14th Amendments,—and so supposed because they knew with certainty the intention of the framers of the amendments. They knew this intention, because they knew what the enemies of the amendments and the enemies of the Civil Rights Act claimed was the intention. And they also knew what the friends of the amendments and the law admitted the intention to be. The prejudices born of ignorance and of slavery had died or fallen asleep, and even the enemies of the amendments and the law had accepted the situation. But I shall speak of the decision as I feel, and in the same manner as I should speak even in the presence of the Court. You must remember that I am not attacking persons, but opinions—not motives, but reasons—not judges, but decisions. The Supreme Court has decided: 1. That the first and second sections of the Civil Rights Act of March 1, 1875, are unconstitutional, as applied to the States—not being authorized by the 13th and 14th Amendments. 2. That the 14th Amendment is prohibitory upon the States only, and the legislation forbidden to be adopted by Congress for enforcing it, is not "direct" legislation, but "corrective,"—such as may be necessary or proper for counteracting and restraining the effect of laws or acts passed or done by the several States. 3. That the 13th Amendment relates only to slavery and involuntary servitude, which it abolishes. 4. That the 13th Amendment establishes universal freedom in the United States. 5. That Congress may probably pass laws directly enforcing its provisions. 6. That such legislative power in Congress extends only to the subject of slavery, and its incidents. 7. That the denial of equal accommodations in inns, public conveyances and places of public amusement, imposes no badge of slavery or involuntary servitude upon the party, but at most infringes rights which are protected from State aggression by the 14th Amendment. 8. The Court is uncertain whether the accommodations and privileges sought to be protected by the first and second sections of the Civil Rights Act are or are not rights constitutionally demandable,—and if they are, in what form they are to be protected. 9. Neither does the Court decide whether the law, as it stands, is operative in the Territories and the District of Columbia. 10. Neither does the Court decide whether Congress, under the commercial power, may or may not pass a law securing to all persons equal accommodations on lines of public conveyance between two or more States. 11. The Court also holds, in the present case, that until some State law has been passed, or some State action through its officers or agents has been taken adverse to the rights of citizens sought to be protected by the 14th Amendment, no legislation of the United States under said amendment, or any proceeding under such legislation, can be called into activity, for the reason that the prohibitions of the amendment are against State laws and acts done under State authority. The essence of said decision being, that the managers and owners of inns, railways, and all public conveyances, of theatres and all places of public amusement, may discriminate on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude, and that the citizen so discriminated against, is without redress. This decision takes from seven millions of people the shield of the Constitution. It leaves the best of the colored race at the mercy of the meanest of the white. It feeds fat the ancient grudge that vicious ignorance bears toward race and color. It will be approved and quoted by hundreds of thousands of unjust men. The masked wretches who, in the darkness of night, drag the poor negro from his cabin, and lacerate with whip and thong his quivering flesh, will, with bloody hands, applaud the Supreme Court. The men who, by mob violence, prevent the negro from depositing his ballot—who with gun and revolver drive him from the polls, and those who insult with vile and vulgar words the inoffensive colored girl, will welcome this decision with hyena joy. The basest will rejoice—the noblest will mourn. But even in the presence of this decision, we must remember that it is one of the necessities of government that there should be a court of last resort; and while all courts will more or less fail to do justice, still, the wit of man has, as yet, devised no better way. Even after reading this decision, we must take it for granted that the judges of the Supreme Court arrived at their conclusions honestly and in accordance with the best light they had. While they had the right to render the decision, every citizen has the right to give his opinion as to whether that decision is good or bad. Knowing that they are liable to be mistaken, and honestly mistaken, we should always be charitable enough to admit that others may be mistaken; and we may also take another step, and admit that we may be mistaken about their being mistaken. We must remember, too, that we have to make judges out of men, and that by being made judges their prejudices are not diminished and their intelligence is not increased. No matter whether a man wears a crown or a robe or a rag. Under the emblem of power and the emblem of poverty, the man alike resides. The real thing is the man—the distinction often exists only in the clothes. Take away the crown—there is only a man. Remove the robe—there remains a man. Take away the rag, and we find at least a man. There was a time in this country when all bowed to a decision of the Supreme Court. It was unquestioned. It was regarded as "a voice from on high." The people heard and they obeyed. The Dred Scott decision destroyed that illusion forever. From that day to this the people have claimed the privilege of putting the decisions of the Supreme Court in the crucible of reason. These decisions are no longer exempt from honest criticism. While the decision remains, it is the law. No matter how absurd, no matter how erroneous, no matter how contrary to reason and justice, it remains the law. It must be overturned either by the Court itself (and the Court has overturned hundreds of its own decisions), or by legislative action, or by an amendment to the Constitution. We do not appeal to armed revolution. Our Government is so framed that it provides for what may be called perpetual peaceful revolution. For the redress of any grievance, for the purpose of righting any wrong, there is the perpetual remedy of an appeal to the people. We must remember, too, that judges keep their backs to the dawn. They find what has been, what is, but not what ought to be. They are tied and shackled by precedent, fettered by old decisions, and by the desire to be consistent, even in mistakes. They pass upon the acts and words of others, and like other people, they are liable to make mistakes. In the olden time we took what the doctors gave us, we believed what the preachers said; and accepted, without question, the judgments of the highest court. Now it is different. We ask the doctor what the medicine is, and what effect he expects it to produce. We cross-examine the minister, and we criticise the decision of the Chief-Justice. We do this, because we have found that some doctors do not kill, that some ministers are quite reasonable, and that some judges know something about law. In this country, the people are the sovereigns. All officers—including judges—are simply their servants, and the sovereign has always the right to give his opinion as to the action of his agent. The sovereignty of the people is the rock upon which rests the right of speech and the freedom of the press. Unfortunately for us, our fathers adopted the common law of England—a law poisoned by kingly prerogative—by every form of oppression, by the spirit of caste, and permeated, saturated, with the political heresy that the people received their rights, privileges and immunities from the crown. The thirteen original colonies received their laws, their forms, their ideas of justice, from the old world. All the judicial, legislative, and executive springs and sources had been touched and tainted. In the struggle with England, our fathers justified their rebellion by declaring that Nature had clothed all men with the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. The moment success crowned their efforts, they changed their noble declaration of equal rights for all, and basely interpolated the word "white." They adopted a Constitution that denied the Declaration of Independence—a Constitution that recognized and upheld slavery, protected the slave-trade, legalized piracy upon the high seas—that demoralized, degraded, and debauched the nation, and that at last reddened with brave blood the fields of the Republic. Our fathers planted the seeds of injustice, and we gathered the harvest. In the blood and flame of civil war, we retraced our fathers' steps. In the stress of war, we implored the aid of Liberty, and asked once more for the protection of Justice. We civilized the Constitution of our fathers. We adopted three Amendments—the 13th, 14th and 15th—the Trinity of Liberty. Let us examine these amendments: "Neither slavery, nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States or any place subject to their jurisdiction. "Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation." Before the adoption of this amendment, the Constitution had always been construed to be the perfect shield of slavery. In order that slavery might be protected, the slave States were considered as sovereign. Freedom was regarded as a local prejudice, slavery as the ward of the Nation, the jewel of the Constitution. For three-quarters of a century, the Supreme Court of the United States exhausted judicial ingenuity in guarding, protecting and fostering that infamous institution. For the purpose of preserving that infinite outrage, words and phrases were warped, and stretched, and tortured, and thumbscrewed, and racked. Slavery was the one sacred thing, and the Supreme Court was its constitutional guardian. To show the faithfulness of that tribunal, I call your attention to the 3d clause of the 2d section of the 4th article of the Constitution: "No person held to service or labor in any State under the laws thereof, escaping to another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on the claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due." The framers of the Constitution were ashamed to use the word "slave," and thereupon they said "person." They were ashamed to use the word "slavery," and they evaded it by saying, "held to service or labor." They were ashamed to put in the word "master," so they called him "the party to whom service or labor may be due." How can a slave owe service? How can a slave owe labor? How could a slave make a contract? How could the master have a legal claim against a slave? And yet, the Supreme Court of the United States found no difficulty in upholding the Fugitive Slave Law by virtue of that clause. There were hundreds of decisions declaring that Congress had power to pass laws to carry that clause into effect, and it was carried into effect. You will observe the wording of this clause: "No person held to service or labor in any State under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on the claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due." To whom was this clause directed? To individuals or to States? It expressly provides that the "person" held to service or labor shall not be discharged from such service or labor in consequence of any law or regulation in the "State" to which he has fled. Did that law apply to States, or to individuals? The Supreme Court held that it applied to individuals as well as to States. Any "person," in any State, interfering with the master who was endeavoring to steal the person he called his slave, was liable to indictment, and hundreds and thousands were indicted, and hundreds languished in prisons because they were noble enough to hold in infinite contempt such infamous laws and such infamous decisions. The best men in the United States—the noblest spirits under the flag—were imprisoned because they were charitable, because they were just, because they showed the hunted slave the path to freedom, and taught him where to find amid the glittering host of heaven the blessed Northern Star. Every fugitive slave carried that clause with him when he entered a free State; carried it into every hiding place; and every Northern man was bound, by virtue of that clause, to act as the spy and hound of slavery. The Supreme Court, with infinite ease, made a club of that clause with which to strike down the liberty of the fugitive and the manhood of the North. In the Dred Scott decision it was solemnly decided that a man of African descent, whether a slave or not, was not, and could not be, a citizen of a State or of the United States. The Supreme Court held on the even tenor of its way, and in the Rebellion that tribunal was about the last fort to surrender. The moment the 13th Amendment was adopted, the slaves became freemen. The distinction between "white" and "colored" vanished. The negroes became as though they had never been slaves—as though they had always been free—as though they had been white. They became citizens—they became a part of "the people," and "the people" constituted the State, and it was the State thus constituted that was entitled to the constitutional guarantee of a republican government. These freed men became citizens—became a part of the State in which they lived. The highest and noblest definition of a State, in our Reports, was given by Justice Wilson, in the case of Chisholm, &c., vs. Georgia; "By a State, I mean a complete body of free persons, united for their common benefit, to enjoy peaceably what is their own, and to do justice to others." Chief Justice Chase declared that: "The people, in whatever territory dwelling, whether temporarily or permanently, or whether organized under regular government, or united by less definite relations, constitute the State." Now, if the people, the moment the 13th Amendment was adopted were all free, and if these people constituted the State; if, under the Constitution of the United States, every State is guaranteed a republican government, then it is the duty of the General Government to see to it that every State has such a government. If distinctions are made between free men on account of race or color, the government is not republican. The manner in which this guarantee of a republican form of government is to be enforced or made good, must be left to the wisdom and discretion of Congress. The 13th Amendment not only destroyed, but it built. It destroyed the slave-pen, and on its site erected the temple of Liberty. It did not simply free slaves—it made citizens. It repealed every statute that upheld slavery. It erased from every Report every decision against freedom. It took the word "white" from every law, and blotted from the Constitution all clauses acknowledging property in man. If, then, all the people in each State, were, by virtue of the 13th Amendment, free, what right had a majority to enslave a minority? What right had a majority to make any distinctions between free men? What right had a majority to take from a minority any privilege, or any immunity, to which they were entitled as free men? What right had the majority to make that unequal which the Constitution made equal? Not satisfied with saying that slavery should not exist, we find in the amendment the words "nor involuntary servitude." This was intended to destroy every mark and badge of legal inferiority. Justice Field upon this very question, says: "It is, however, clear that the words 'involuntary servitude' include something more than slavery, in the strict sense of the term. They include also serfage, vassalage, villanage, peonage, and all other forms of compulsory service for the mere benefit or pleasure of others. Nor is this the full import of the term. The abolition of slavery and involuntary servitude was intended to make every one born in this country a free man, and as such to give him the right to pursue the ordinary avocations of life without other restraint than such as affects all others, and to enjoy equally with them the fruits of his labor. A person allowed to pursue only one trade or calling, and only in one locality of the country, would not be, in the strict sense of the term, in a condition of slavery, but probably no one would deny that he would be in a condition of servitude. He certainly would not possess the liberties, or enjoy the privileges of a freeman." Justice Field also quotes with approval the language of the counsel for the plaintiffs in the case: "Whenever a law of a State, or a law of the United States, makes a discrimination between classes of persons which deprives the one class of their freedom or their property, or which makes a caste of them, to subserve the power, pride, avarice, vanity or vengeance of others—there involuntary servitude exists within the meaning of the 13th Amendment." To show that the framers of the 13th Amendment intended to blot out every form of slavery and servitude, I call attention to the Civil Rights Act, approved April 9, 1866, which provided, among other things, that: "All persons born in the United States, and not subject to any foreign power—excluding Indians not taxed—are citizens of the United States; and such citizens, of every race and color, without regard to any previous condition of slavery or involuntary servitude, are entitled to the full and equal benefit of all laws and proceedings for the security of person and property enjoyed by white citizens, and shall be subject to like punishments, pains and penalties—and to none other—any law, statute, ordinance, regulation or custom to the contrary notwithstanding; and they shall have the same rights in every State and Territory of the United States as white persons." The Supreme Court, in The Slaughter-House Cases, (16 Wallace, 69) has said that the word servitude has a larger meaning than the word slavery. "The word 'servitude' implies subjection to the will of another contrary to the common right." A man is in a state of involuntary servitude when he is forced to do, or prevented from doing, a thing, not by the law of the State, but by the simple will of another. He who enjoys less than the common rights of a citizen, he who can be forced from the public highway at the will of another, who can be denied entrance to the cars of a common carrier, is in a state of servitude. The 13th Amendment did away with slavery not only, and with involuntary servitude, but with every badge and brand and stain and mark of slavery. It abolished forever distinctions on account of race and color. In the language of the Supreme Court: "It was the obvious purpose of the 13th Amendment to forbid all shades and conditions of African slavery." And to that I add, it was the obvious purpose of that amendment to forbid all shades and conditions of slavery, no matter of what sort or kind—all marks of legal inferiority. Each citizen was to be absolutely free. All his rights complete, whole, unmaimed and unabridged. From the moment of the adoption of that amendment, the law became color-blind. All distinctions on account of complexion vanished. It took the whip from the hand of the white man, and put the nation's flag above the negro's hut. It gave horizon, scope and dome to the lowest life. It stretched a sky studded with stars of hope above the humblest head. The Supreme Court has admitted, in the very case we are now discussing, that: "Under the 13th Amendment the legislation meaning the legislation of Congress—so far as necessary or proper to eradicate all forms and incidents of slavery and involuntary servitude, may be direct and primary, operating upon the acts of individuals, whether sanctioned by State legislation or not." Here we have the authority for dealing with individuals. The only question then remaining is, whether an individual, being the keeper of a public inn, or the agent of a railway corporation, created by a State, can be held responsible in a Federal Court for discriminating against a citizen of the United States on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. If such discrimination is a badge of slavery, or places the party discriminated against in a condition of involuntary servitude, then the Civil Rights Act may be upheld by the 13th Amendment. In The United Slates vs. Harris, 106 U. S., 640, the Supreme Court says: "It is clear that the 13th Amendment, besides abolishing forever slavery and involuntary servitude within the United States, gives power to Congress to protect all citizens from being in any way subjected to slavery or involuntary servitude, except for the punishment of crime, and in the enjoyment of that freedom which it was the object of the amendment to secure." This declaration covers the entire case. I agree with Justice Field: "The 13th Amendment is not confined to African slavery. It is general and universal in its application—prohibiting the slavery of white men as well as black men, and not prohibiting mere slavery in the strict sense of the term, but involuntary servitude in every form." 16 Wallace, 90. The 13th Amendment declares that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude shall exist. Who must see to it that this declaration is carried out? There can be but one answer. It is the duty of Congress. At last the question narrows itself to this: Is a citizen of the United States, when denied admission to public inns, railway cars and theatres, on account of his race or color, in...

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