The Taoist Canon: A Historical Companion to the Daozang: Vol. 2: The Modern Period

318 Pages·2005·211.91 MB·English

by  Franciscus Verellen

•
A Historical Companion
to the Daozang
VOLUME 2
The Modern Period
Edited by
Kristofer Schipper and
Franciscus Verellen
The University of Chicago Press
Chicago & London
Introduction: Taoism in the
Early Modern Era
The era starting with the advent of the Song dynasty in the second half of the tenth
century may be considered the beginning of the modern age in the history of China.
When compared to previous times, great changes in all aspects of China's civilization
are manifest, and perhaps nowhere are these changes more visible than in the evolu
tion of Taoism.
The rise of local political and religious lay organizations, especially in the regions
south oft he Yangzi River, is certainly one of the most important factors in this change.
During the previous century, the division of the country into a great number of semi
autonomous regions greatly favored the emancipation oflocal societies, where Taoism
had, and still has, its natural habitat.
We see, especially among the townspeople of the Jiangnan ?I i¥j area, the rise of
associations (hui 11") in honor oflocal saints. Apart from worship, these associations
had many functions. The most important associations were often vocational groups
comparable to European guilds and merchant corporations. Others were pilgrimage
associations, maintaining networks between different localities. Still others had more
precise aims, such as performing deeds of merit: keeping the temple and the locality
dean, reciting scriptures and teaching literary skills, caring for the old and the sick by
establishing hospitals and dispensaries, helping the physically and mentally disabled
by housing them in the temples, liberating animals and advocating vegetarianism,
printing and publishing, and even collecting old paper (any piece with writing on it
was deemed sacred). Many associations ran schools and trained young people in the
martial arts so as to be able to protect the community when the need arose. All these
deeds weregongfu J}]f( (religious merit; a term we now associate with the Chinese
martial arts as practiced within the context of temple associations). Because all these
activities were performed as a service to the community, we call these associations
"liturgical organizations?'
Thetemple-and-marketnetworkgreatlydevelopedin the Five Dynasties period (907-
960). Formerly only a few Taoist saints had been officially recognized. Now, in the
new and generally short-lived kingdoms that emerged, many local saints came into
the* l,im elight. The worship of the great saints of the Jiangnan are*a- such as Guandi
H the embodiment of martial virtue; Wenchang dijun )( ~ ~, who became
[ 634] Introduction Introduction [ 635 ]
the patron saint of the literati; Mazu ~~til, the fisherman's daughter who became the different activities related to them. In the Tianqing guan, not only the Yellow Em
protectress of seafarers; XU JINGYANG, the immortal official; and many more-de peror, the divine ancestor of the dynasty, was worshiped. Some of these deities - such
=
veloped greatly, and the associations that promoted them grew in power and wealth. as the Three Officials (sanguan '§) - belonged to the Taoist ecclesia; others were
Over time, these powerful nonofficial organizations distributed their own sacred dynastic deities whose worship was an imperial prerogative, such as the Lord ofTai
literature. They attracted their own clergy and created rituals in which the veneration shan. Soon, next to the Tianqing guan, and with imperial approval, shrines appeared
of their saint had a central position. Thus local Taoist lineages developed, and many to many other saints and gods. The modern temple was born, with its lay organization
scriptures in the present volume bear witness to this development. that replaced the ancient dioceses of the ecclesia of the Heavenly Master.
The growing importance of local centers was reinforced by imperial patronage. Throughout the Northern Song, emperors maintained important Taoist functions.
Already at the beginning of the Tang dynasty, imperial patronage was obtained for Emperor Huizong (r. lIOI-II25) was actually titled Lord of the Tao (Daojun ~ ~). Yet
the worship of Xu JINGYANG, and this patronage was reinforced in later periods. we cannot speak of an "official religion." The temple network of which the emperor
Emperor Xuanzong (r. 712-756) of the Tang dynasty canonized Zhang Daoling ~ ~ was the head existed side by side with, but separate from, the official Confucian bu
I%t, the First Heavenly Master. This measure did not benefit the region of northern reaucracy, although there were many institutional and also informal links.
Sichuan, where the ecclesia originally came from, but a Taoist temple in honor of At the beginning of the modern era, the interpenetration between the Three Teach
this patriarch that stood at an important junction of the trade routes that linked the ings was strong. Among the Buddhist schools, Chan (Zen) Buddhism was influenced
Jiangnan area to the provinces of Jiangxi, Fujian, and Guangdong. This place, on by Taoism. The other great movement, that of Pure Land Buddhism, in turn influ
Longhu shan fj~m: LlI, was purportedly the spot where Zhang Daoling had obtained enced Taoist ritual practice. Confucianism owed an immense debt to both Buddhism
the Tao and where his descendants had continued to live. The emperor also recognized and Taoism, which had given it the transcendent dimension it was hitherto lacking.
the chiefs of this lineage as the legitimate holders of the title of Heavenly Master. But as Taoism became more and more immersed in local society and popular culture,
Thereby the new Zhengyi i.E - patriarchy of the Longhu shan was created, which it became estranged from the other two religions, or, more exactly, Buddhism and
would become vastly influential during the period under consideration here. Also Confucianism gradually distanced themselves from it. While the idea of the unity of
toward the end of the Tang (618-907), other southern centers claimed their historical the Three Teachings remained one of the cornerstones of the political discourse, in
ancestry and established lineages of patriarchs. The Maoshan ~ LlI lineage, going back practice only Taoism continued to believe in the dialogue. The two other doctrines
to Lady WEI HUACUN, who had inspired YANG XI in writing the Shangqing texts, tended toward increased differentiation. The unity of the Three Teachings therefore
*m
was construed by a Taoist named Li Bo in the early ninth century (see YJQQ 5). became primarily a Taoist cause and was only actively supported by Confucianism and
As to the Lingbao tradition, it was claimed by a temple on Gezhao shan M~ W in Buddhism at times when Chinese culture as a whole was threatened, as during the
Jiangxi province. The Lingbao declared GE XUAN, the ancestor ofGE HONG and a Mongol period.
famous Taoist of the Three Kingdoms period (220-265), its founder. During the Ming The main challenge for Taoism, as reflected in the texts of the period under con
(1368-1644), the authority of the Longhu shan Heavenly Master lineage over the two sideration here, were the great changes due to the emancipation of local cults. Many
other centers became predominant, so much so that the Maoshan and Gezhao shan of these cults were survivals from antiquity, such as those that venerated the Earth
m
gradually lost their identity before being taken over by the Quanzhen order during God (she Wei: or tudi ±:f:~), the Thunder God (leishen 1$), and many nature spirits.
the Qing period (I644-19lI). Others, already mentioned, were cults of local saints. Invariably, the deities of these
In the beginning of the Song period, the development oflocal and regional orga cults manifested themselves through spirit mediums, according to the age-old tradi
nizations could no longer be ignored by the central government. In a series of bold tions ofC hinese shamanism. How were these deities and their priests to be assimilated
religious and political actions, Emperor Zhenzong (997-1022) of the Northern Song, within the framework of Taoist thought and practice? And even more challengingly,
after having first been sanctified as the representative oft he Tao on Earth by the revela how were the rites performed by the shamans to be integrated with the Taoist liturgical
tion of Heavenly Letters, undertook to create a network of officially sponsored Tao organization?
ist temples called Tianqing guan 7( a! Ill. The Taoist priests who were appointed as As the texts in the Daozang show, the first challenge, that of incorporating the
keepers of the sanctuaries were recognized as government officials. The state retained gods of ancient China and the saints of local temples into the Taoist pantheon and
control of the sanctuaries, but it allowed many local associations to participate in the theology, was met simply by assimilating them with cosmic energies (qi), most often
[ 636] Introduction Introduction [ 637]
represented by a star or a constellation. This sublimation was not unlike the transla The above-quoted texts in the Daofa huiyuan derive from the Tianxin zhengfa 7C
Ie.,
tion of mortals into immortality, as already practiced through the liturgy of the great if ~ lineage, which was, according to its own accounts, one of the earlier Song ex
Taoist zhai .. and jiM II. services. Thus the canonization these deities had received orcistic lineages to obtain official recognition. Globally speaking, the Tianxin zhengfa
from the imperial institution (gU(}jeng ~;W) was matched by the conferral of a Tao appears to have been the first lineage to have been codified by means of a written cor
ist investiture (dtwfeng ~;W) to them. Far more complex, and therefore the subject pus. It established a historical lineage beginning with TAN ZIXIAO in Fujian during
of many treatises and discussions, was the profusion of rites related to these deities. the Five Dynasties and was well represented by DEN G YOUGON G until the end oft he
These rites were by and large of an exorcistic nature, and the new saints, such as Lord Northern Song. The lineage claimed to be ultimately derived from the First Heavenly
Guan H 0., played an important role in them, first with the rank of general, then as Master himself During the Southern Song (1127-1279) and later, the Tianxin zhengfa
marshal, and finally as a high celestial deity. was indeed considered to be a part, even a fundamental part, of the rites of the Way
Exorcistic rites had, of course, always existed in Taoism, and many scattered refer of the Heavenly Master. In fact, however, its exorcistic rites during which a demon is
ences related to them may be culled from medieval source material. Some rites, like first captured and imprisoned, then interrogated and sentenced, are elaborations of
the exorcistic spells of the God of the North (Beidi ~t*), had been incorporated ancient shamanistic seances.
into the revelations of YANG XI (see 1016 Zhengao IO.IOa-nb,lpa-4b andS3 Taishang Also comparatively early, and even more famous, were the Shenxiao filJ. rites,
dongyuan beidi tianpeng huming xitwzai shenzhou miaojing). Exorcism was also part which are said to have been introduced by the court Taoist LIN LINGSU (1076-1120)
of medical practice, as can be seen from the "Jinjing ~~" in SUN SIMO'S Qianjin and his disciple Wang Wenqing .:EXmJ (1093-1153). Few precise facts can be found
yifang T ~.11 . However, exorcists had never gained high social recognition, and to link the Shenxiao texts preserved in the Daozang with the activities of these daoshi
their rites had only rarely been put into writing. at the court of Song Huizong, as all of the relevant books can be shown to have been
All this was now to change. From the beginning of the Song dynasty onward, we written or at least seriously reedited during the Southern Song period. The name
are confronted with spirit-medium cults and related exorcist rituals that, although "Shenxiao" refers to a supreme sphere in the heavenly universe, where higher deities
local in origin, gained wide recognition at court and obtained imperial favor (e.g., the than those hitherto recognized dwelled. This reference allowed for the establishment
worship of the Yisheng baode zhenjun ~ ~ f*1!! ~ ¥3 at the imperial court; see 128S of a new list of nine Heavenly Worthies 7:.., the so-called Nine Sovereigns (Jiuchen
Yisheng baode zhuan by WAN G QINRUO). The early tenth-century work 1237 Sandong 1L~), the first being the Original Saint Governor of the Heavens, the Heavenly
xiudtw yi presents, in addition to the traditional Tang liturgical organization and its Worthy of Long Life of the Southern Apex, Founder of the Myriad Rites of the
ordination grid, the first mention of a minor exorcistic order that practiced the Thun Celestial Abodes of Shenxiao (Shenxiao tiangong wanfa zhi mng, N anji changsheng
der magic (leifa ¥~) of the Emperor of the North (Beidileio'ongfa~t*¥0.~; 9a). tongtian yuansheng tianzun filJ.7C'8;§t~;Z*J¥jfj~~fVt7C51:~7C#). Next to
Henceforth, many rites (fa ~ ) related to these exorcist practices became institutional the supreme god of the Shenxiao, the Taiyi jiuku tianzun Js:. Z ~ i5 7C tt: and the Lei
ized and established their own initiations and lineage organizations, independent of sheng puhua tianzun ¥~~1t7Ctt: represent the cosmic forces related, respectively,
the existing Taoist liturgical structures. to death and life. These names are Taoist translations of the bodhisattva ~itigarba
Modern Taoism distinguishes between the liturgical capability of the Taoist Scholar and Samantabhadra. The presence of two essentially Buddhist deities at the heart of
(dtwshi ~±) and that of the Ritual Master (fashi itrlflj) or Ritual Official (faguan ~ modem Taoist ritual should not come as a surprise. The Lingbao ritual for the uni
'l1r). This distinction is again reflected in the differences in authority conferred by the versal salvation of souls (pudu ~ Lt) had since the late medieval period become more
register (lu B) and by the rite (fa ~). Among the sources that bear on this subject, and more predominant, and with it the rites of sublimation (liandu • Lt) that aim at
the most complete and enlightening are the Taishang tiantan yuge 7s:.J:.7:.:if~fi!t forging an immortal body for the suffering dead. These rites involve the purification
m
and its sequel, Taishang hundong chiwen niiqing zhaoshu tianlii Js:. J:. WlJ iffi Y:. 9:. N and divine rebirth of a spirit through the practice of Inner Alchemy by the officiant.
~.7C1$ in 1220 Daofa huiyuan 249-52. In the latter, it is stated explicitly that "the Such Inner Alchemy techniques were combined with purification and exorcism rites
fa has to follow the register [lu], and there can be no discrepancy between the two" that marshaled the forces of the thunder. These latter practices were by and large
(249.l3b). As the regular Taoist clergy and the Ritual Masters worked side by side in borrowed and adapted from Tantric Buddhism. Here much remains to be done in
the same environment, their mutual integration became a fundamental prerequisite terms of research to elucidate the original Tantric antecedents of Song Taoist ritual.
and a continual process. Tantrism, introduced in China during the late Tang, does not seem to have succeeded
[ 638] Introduction Introduction [ 639 ]
at that time in establishing itself as an autonomous Buddhist school, but it did have were circulated in a printed form, but they were by no means considered fit to be
an important influence on Taoism, and many Tantric practices found their way into placed into anyone's hands. The printed versions of the successive DlUJzang were con
Taoist liturgy. fined to Taoist centers and almost never shown to outsiders. Moreover, even popular
During the Southern Song, the combination of the above-mentioned elements scriptures of devotion, to be recited and venerated in people's homes, carried explicit
became consolidated into a large ritual synthesis that received the general appellatio*n warnings as to their exclusivity and as to the many rules to be observed when handling
Lm-••
of the Great Rites of the Shangqing Lingbao (Shangqing lingblUJ dafa them. Finally, what certain scriptures may have lost in exclusivity as a result of their
rt). Within this global framework, expounded in a number of important manuals widespread circulation was largely made up for by the very secrecy that surrounded
and handbooks, we see the successive incorporation of different lineages, such as the the new exorcist techniques of the Tianxin zhengfa and Shenxiao rites. All in all, the
Yutangdafa~¥:*rt ofLu SHIZHONG. Lu, at the beginning of the Southern Song ritual texts of Taoism continued to be accessible for ordained daoshi and initiated
period, claimed to continue the methods oft he Tianxin zhengfa, but by incorporating practitioners only.
them into the Lingbao liturgy for the universal salvation of souls. Other influential
currents were the Tongchu 1I:rJJ rites ofM aoshan, the Jade Pivot (Yushu ~ ~) scrip
tures ofBo YUCHAN, and finally the Qingwei school of ZHAO YIZHEN. But there
are many other movements, especially related to leija, that call for further research.
Owing perhaps to the rupture with its historical antecedents - the Heavenly Mas
ter ecclesia and the ancient scriptural transmission of the Lingbao and Shangqing
canons-and perhaps also to the emancipation oflocal cults and their spirit-medium
rites, Taoism in the modem age seems to increasingly lose a sense of its own historical
reality. Zhang Daoling ~ j!! ~ becomes the revealing spirit of the Tianxin zhengfa
rites, while LtJ DONGBIN continues, century after century, to transmit his Inner
Alchemy secrets and to write poetry. These and other divine patriarchs also write
c9mmentaries to sacred scriptures (e.g., 99 Jiutian yingyuan leisheng puhua tianzun
yushu baojing jizhu). The great commentary to the Yuhuang benxing jing ~£*fj
~ by the Ming scholar Luo Hongxian Il#t)'c (1504-1564) is also adorned with
prefaces by saints such as Zitong dijun r-FriHiH! (Wenchang Y:. {fff!), LtJ DONGBIN,
QIU CHUJI, and the Heavenly Marshal Deng Jm j(: MI. These saints are moreover the
authors of a large part of the commentary (see I440 Huangjing zhujie).
To all these changes in the Taoist traditions must be added the widespread use
of printing, which made possible the dissemination of texts formerly transmitted to
initiates only. Thus the exclusivity that formerly characterized the transmission of
many liturgical texts could no longer be maintained. During the Yuan and Ming pe
riods, some Taoist scriptures-such as 622 Taishang xuanling beidou benming yansheng
zhenjing and 623 Taishang xuanling beidou benming changsheng miao or I442 Taishang
J
sanyuan cifu shezui jie'e xiaozai yansheng btWming mitwjing-were among the most
widely printed and distributed books in China, surpassing the circulation of Buddhist
and Confucian works. In what respect are we then justified to maintain the heading
"Texts in Internal Circulation" for this part?
Even while the old system was no longer universally adhered to, rules relating to
transmission and ordination still appear to have been strictly applied. Some books
[~l 3.A.l Philosophy 3.A.l Philosophy [6# 1
m
Daode zhenjing cangshi zuanwei pian f!!l ~.j: _fiJi
10 Juan
3.A Texts in General Circulation
By CHEN JINGYUAN ~Jlti1:j[:, ziTaichu:*fJJ orTaixu :*~, hao Bixu zi ~~-r
or Zhenjing ~~; 1072
714 (fase. 418-420)
"Subtleties Culled From the Storehouse of the Way and Its Power?' The term pian
• (text) has been added to this title to distinguish the text from the two commen
3.A.l Philosophy taries that follow it as sequels in the Daozang. The author collected a great number
of editions and commentaries of the Daode jing and kept them in a special room. In
3.A.l.a Commentaries on Ancient Philosophers this work, he presents what he considers to be the subtle words of the ancient sages
regarding theDaode jing (see the preface, 6b, and 9b-lOa).
3.A.l.a.l The Daode jing CHEN JINGYUAN (1024-1094) was a Taoist master from Tiantai who later resided
at Lushan. He wrote numerous commentaries and other works, though only a few of
Daode zhenjing lun llt f! !R ~ ~ these survive. As a disciple of Zhang Wumeng ~1m~ (9S2?-1051), he belongs to the
4 juan lineage of CHEN TuAN.
m
By Sima Guang ,~'Jt (1019-1086) The present work is preceded by (I) an introduction by the author devoted in the
689 (fasc. 373) main to the mythology of the Laozi; (2) a "Dissertation on the Laozi" by Ge Bi :$ ~
"Essay on the Way and Its Power?' This essay was originally entitled Daode lun (zi Cizhong;(A q:t, hao Wenkang gong ::st~0) from Lingying guan IIff!B in Shan
m
shuyao ~ f! ffifB ~ ~ ("A Summary of the Discourses on the Daode jing") and divided shan Itt LiJ; and (3) a preface by Yang Zhonggeng q:t~, dated 1258, stating that a
into two juan (VDL 153). printed edition of this commentary was presented to the emperor (in 1072, as specified
Sima Guang considers that the Laozi should not be divided into two books, one in TIS Daode zhenjing cangshi zuanwei kaiti kewen shu I.4b).
on the Tao, the other on the De. His commentary follows the traditional order of the This commentary is noted in the bibliographies as consisting of two juan. It is also
chapters, with one paragraph per chapter, but without titles. Sima Guang was one of said that the same author wrote a Daodezhu tt likewise in two juan (see Song shi 205 .5178
the first commentators (possibly the first) to punctuate after you ~ and wu 1m in the and the biography of CHEN J INGYUAN in LZTT 49.5a). The question therefore arises
opening sentences of the Laozi: "wu [negation] is the name of the origin of Heaven whether CHEN JINGYUAN wrote two different commentaries on the Laozi.
and Earth; you [affirmation] is the name of the mother of the ten thousand beings; The present commentary has been preserved, wholly or in part, in anthologies such
forever in the wu shalt thou contemplate the wonder, forever in the you shalt thou as 724 Daode zhenjing jiyi (which contains the shortest version), 707 Daode zhenjing
contemplate its fringes." jizhu, 7I8 Daode zhenjing gushan ji, and 7I6 Daode zhenjing cangshi zuanwei shouchao.
But wu and you are here seen as only makeshift names. The Confucian virtues are Some of these versions accord with each other (c£ 707 Daode zhenjing jizhu I.Ia and 724
here seen as upheld: ren t (humanity) and yi ~ (duty) are contained within the Tao, Daode zhenjing jiyi 3.4a); others differ (cf. 707 Daode zhenjing jizhu 2.17b-18a, 18b-19b,
which is why they make their appearance when the Tao declines; when Laozi rejects and 724 Daode zhenjing jiyi 13.33a-Ha). Occasionally, these versions correspond to the
knowledge and ren it is because in their time of decadence, these virtues are no more present text (e.g., 2.2b-3a and7I8 Daode zhenjinggushan ji 2.4b-sa and 724 Daode zhen
J
than simulacra of their true meaning. jingjiyi 13.33a); sometimes they diverge (cf. 2.lb and7I8Daodezhenjinggushanji 2.Ib).
Nevertheless, it would be wrong to consider the present text and its other versions as
Isabelle Robina
having issued from different sources. On the whole, they represent one and the same
text, despite occasional variants. The present version of the text appears to have been
abridged, especially when comparing it to quotations found in 724 Daode zhenjing
jiyi.
In his prefatory remarks (6b), the author reviews the fundamentals of his under-
[642] 3.A.l Philosophy 3.A.l Philosophy [643]
standing of the Daode jingJ which, as he states in his commentary, applies equally to Finally, as the author of works of a philological nature, CHEN J INGYUAN intro
governing the state and the sel£ CHEN JINGYUAN selects phrases from the Lanzi duces into this commentary observations concerning variants in the Laozi text, com
that sum up his reading of the work, and he uses them to illustrate government by paring the versions ofW ANG BI,HESHANG GONG,EmperorXuanzong(r. 712-756),
nonaction on the political level, a life of withdrawal without desires on the personal and an ancient manuscript (guben ti;:~q.
level, and, on the metaphysical plane, the ineffability of the Tao. His commentary is a Isabelle Robinet
work of recapitulation that provides a synthesis of interpretations of the Daode jingo It
presents the distinctions between essence (ti ft) and function (yong ffl), between the DRolle zhenjing zhuRn ifif!" ~ 11
physical and metaphysical spheres, between the "root" and the "leaving of traces;' be 4 Juan
tween the "I" and the "other;' between the notion of real nature received from Heaven ByLu HUIQING g~gw; 1078
(xing 'Ii) and to which one must return without trespassing beyond its limits, and 686 (fasc. 369)
that of the passions (qing 'tilf) that engender distinctions. All these distinctions must "Commentary on the True Scripture of the Way and its Power?' Lu HUIQING
vanish in "total forgetfulness" and in "coalescent unity." (1031-1110) held high ministerial positions. This work was presented to the emperor in
Our commentary does not neglect the dialectics of wu and you (nonbeing and be 1078. It is mentioned in the bibliographical catalogues as comprising two juan (VDL
ing), and presents the most representative of the interpretations of HE SHAN G GO N G. 104).
CHEN JINGYUAN adopts the explanation of "nourishing the spirit and purif)ring the The commentary is placed in the traditional order, at the end of each chapter of the
body" within the context of techniques applying to the circulation of qi and blood. Lanzi text, and not afrer each sentence or phrase. It is quoted in 7I8 Daode zhenjing
On various occasions he makes a distinction between the "ancient" interpretations qushan ji with important variants (compare 7I8 Qushan ji I.2b-3a; I3b; 2.5b with our
inspired by Taoist practices and applicable to both the individual and the state-which text I.Ib; I.5a; I.IIb, respectively). It is also quoted in 724 Daode zhenjing jiyi I.22a, 24b,
include practices of breathing and visual meditation as well as cosmological specula and elsewhere, with substantial divergences from our text (I.4a-b) as well as from
tions-and contemporary interpretations that do not go beyond the sphere of indi 724 Zhenjing jiyi pob-2Ia. The quotations in 7I8 Qushan ji and 724 Zhenjing jiyi also
vidual conduct and that fall within the category of ethical and mystical practices. diverge: the commentary on chapter 1 of the Lanzi is virtually the same in our text as
This commentary is also interesting for the way it links the Daode jing to the com in 724 Zhenjing jiyiJ but it is different in 7I8 QushRn ji (compare l.5a-b in the present
mentaries of diverse schools of Taoist texts and* to the Confucian classics. Among the text with 7I8 Qushan ji I.l3a and 724 Zhenjing jiyi I.19b-20b).
various schools we find that of Lu Xisheng ~ V. There are long fragments of the Within each chapter, this commentary follows the development ofLaozi's thought
now lost parts of the commentary by YAN Z UN. The Taoist texts referred to are those phrase by phrase, providing constant examples from the Daode jing as illustrations,
oft heZhuangzi and, above all, the Huainan zi (C£ II84 Huainan honglie jie), as well as 3I with the result that the text comments on itsel£ Allusions to the Zhuangzi are also
Huangdi yinfo jingJ 666 Xisheng jingJ and so on. The most frequently quoted Confucian oblique. Digressions are rare. The beginning of the commentary reveals a Madhya
classics linked to the Daode jing are the Yijing (including many unattributed borrowed mika influence. The pedagogical usefulness of the latter can be seen in the manner by
phrases and interpretations of the hexagrams), the Lunyu, the ShijingJ and theMengziJ which the commentary explains the negative formulas of the Laozi as instructions to
whose flood-like breath (haoran zhi qi ri!f~;Z~) is assimilated to the median qi. avoid affirmation of any sort (I.I9b, see also I.I8b).
The cosmogonic system of our author is clearly inspired by YAN ZUN, and al Isabelle Robinet
though Zhang Wumeng is not mentioned by name, Yang Zhongkeng in his preface
states that CHEN JINGYUAN here transmits the essence of his masters doctrine. We DRolle zhenjing jizhu mf !" ~. at
find indeed that Inner Alchemy constitutes an important element throughout the text. 10 Juan
The spirit of synthesis characteristic of this current of thought pervades the work, and Colophon by Liang Jiong ~ ~; 1098
the vocabulary of this school is reflected in the many allusions and terms stemming 706 (fasc. 395-398)
from Inner Alchemy (see, for instance, 2.2a, 5.12b, 10. 7b). Furthermore, the Taiji :;t( ~ "Collected Commentaries on the True Scripture of the Way and its Power?' The
is constantly assimilated to the primordial qi, which would seem to confirm the ties collection comprises the commentaries of HESHANG GONG, WANG BI, Emperor
that no doubt linked CHEN JINGYUAN to the CHEN TuAN school. Xuanzong (r. 712-'756) of the Tang, and WANG PANG (1042-1076). The colophon by
[644] 3A.l Philosophy 3.A.l Philosophy [64s]
Liang Jiong, military judge ofYingzhou "!R; 1'1'1, explains that an official by the name of the Tiantai school of Buddhism and that Li Ao *~ (774-836) already had made
Zhang (his personal name is not given) had these commentaries printed after having the title of his famous essays, Fuxing shu m'li 11. To "return" in this way is also "to
them edited by a "worthy scholar." There are many other editions of the first three examine the core of one's nature" (jinxing ilI'Ii), an idea that refers to the Tijing and
commentaries in the present collection, but the fourth-by WANG PANG, the son of that here becomes synonymous withfoming 1ji1ffJ (return to destiny), an expression
Wang Anshi 3:~:O (1021-1086), who also wrote an important commentary on the taken from Laozi. All throughout his work, WANG PANG juggles with these three
Zhuangzi (743 Nanhuazhenjing xinzhuan)-survives only here in a complete version. expressions, each of which comes from one of the Three Teachings.
The same commentary is partially preserved in 724 Daode zhenjing jiyi and 7I8 Daode WANG PANG often quotes the Zhuangzi (see L8b and especially 3.32a, where he
zhenjing qushan ji. The hypothesis put forward by Wang Zhongmin in Laozi kao at makes an interesting comparison between Laozi and Zhuangzi), as well as the Tijing
tributing the present edition to Wen Ruhai X~Dfflj is untenable. Wen lived under the and theMengzi. He likewise quotes many Confucian classics: the Lunyu, the Shujing,
Tang (see VDL 138). the Shijing, the Llj·i, and others. He uses some Buddhist concepts, especially in the
There are three prefaces. Those by Emperor Xuanzong and GE XUAN are well context oft he dialectic discourse of the conciliation of the opposites wu and you, action
known. The third is by WANG PANG, who states that it was written in 1070. and nonaction, unity and duality (see, for instance, 7.lIa and I2a). Wang frequently
A comparison of the WAN G PANG commentary in our text with the fragments pre pairs double negations to demonstrate the fact that these concepts mutually abolish
served in 724 Zhenjing jiyi shows that the present version, although generally complete, and also complete each other (e.g., "appearances are neither illusory nor nonreal";
has been abridged in some places (compare our text I.Ia and L6a with 724 Zhenjing jiyi 7.I2a). Several times, he uses the expression "things cannot move" (wu bu neng qian
L25a and L27a-29b, respectively; the passage from WANG PANG'S commentary given 1o/J::f#~~; 3·8b, 8.I2a), which is reminiscent of the title of an essay by Sengzhao Mil
in 724 Zhenjing jiyi 5.2Ib-22a is missing altogether in the present version). (374-414).
The commentary by WANG PANG belongs to those that attempt a synthesis be The Taoism of WAN G PAN G is essentially philosophical. For him, to "nourish life"
tween the Three Teachings (sanjiao): Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism. Wang is to "forget the I" and to become a "being without mind" (wuxin 1!W{.'; 3.34a, 35a,
Pang often compares Confucianism to the seasons of spring and summer, Taoism to 3Sb). Thus humans can achieve "mystical identification" (xuantong z~; 3.33b), the
autumn and winter, these being the times of fruition, of harvest and gathering. Laozi coincidence of opposites such as wu and you, of the One and the ten thousand trans
brings all together and makes all things return to the One, to their "fundamental formations (see 5.4a and 25a; 6.17a). There is virtually no mention ofT aoist practices,
nature:' and to quiet peacefulness. It is this gathering that enables the renewal of although in 2.lIa we find a reference to Taoist anthropology: the triad of essence (jing
blossoming in the following spring and summer (see WANG PANG'S preface, page M), spirit (shen fII:i), and pneuma (qi *i.) that form the human being. Wang rejects
6b, and the passages on 3.19a, 4.7b, 5.24a, 6.18a). WANG PANG opposes WANG BI'S quietism (see 4.21a and 7.9b, 25b) as well as asceticism. He considers that the wish to
interpretation insofar as WANG PANG considers that Laozi recognized wu 1!W (non escape from hunger and cold are part of human nature.
being) and you ~ (being) to be interdependent, but that Laozi's thought concentrates Wang's commentary extols the role of the saint who "embodies the Tao" and "goes
on wu, whereas the Confucian scriptures are concerned with you (compare also 724- to the extreme of his own nature:' who "governs the world" (4.lIa, I2a; 5.25a), who
Zhenjingjiyi L28b-29b). WANG PANG follows the example of Sima Guang P],~7't masters all transformations and is capable ofa ll things (S.29a). In this spiritual achieve
(1019-IOS6) by placing punctuation, in the opening sentences of the first chapter of ment resides his longevity, which establishes a smooth harmony with transformations
the Daode jing, after wu and you, and not after yu &X (desire), as is customary (see 689 and vicissitudes, or a vision that transcends opposition between life and death (5.15a,
Daode zhenjing tun). 2Ia). Leader of the people, the saint enables the people to "follow their own nature"
WANG PAN G' s commentary centers on the concept ofx ing 'ti (nature), which has (1O.9a-b, 29a, 3Ib).
here the connotation of the "fundamental nature" of humanity, the vehicle of tran In conclusion, WANG PANG, who remains above all a scholar, has created an in
scendence in human beings, identified by WAN G PAN G with thep u ~, the "uncarved telligent synthesis of the Three Teachings. It seems that his commentary exerted an
block" of the Laozi (see 5.sb, 8.2Ib). He also equates this concept of nature with the important influence on Su Che ~Hm (see 69I Daode zhenjing zhu).
haoran ~~ (the exaltation of the spirit), in Mengzi (see 1O.9b). WANG PANG advo Isabelle Robinet
cates humanity's "return to its nature" (foxing m'li), an expression borrowed from
[ 646] 3.A.l Philosophy 3.A.l Philosophy [647]
m
Daode zhenjing zhu M!lt ~ tt On various occasions, Su Che makes a distinction between the metaphysical world
4 Juan and the world of forms (xing). The former is that of the immeasurable, ineffable Tao
By Su Che ~.; 1100 (2.I2a, 4.lOb), where there is neither negation (wu M) nor affirmation (you ff); the
691 (fasc. 374) latter is that which can be spoken of and measured (I.2a, 7b, I2b), that which encom
"Commentary on the True Scripture of the Way and its Power." Some of the Song passes Heaven and Earth "beyond the ten thousand beings" yet is finite (I.20a) and
editions of this commentary by Su Che were divided into two juan (VDL 107) and not self-engendered (I.8a).
are said to date from 1100 (see Daode zhenjing jiyi dazhi I.9b). There were two editions Isabelle Robina
printed in the thirteenth century that are no longer extant: one w*rit ten in the calligra
phy ofZ hang Jizhi ~ I!P;z in 1218 (C£ Songrenzhuanji ziliao suuyin A it ~c. jl f-l-~ ij , Daode zhenjing jie m te !It ~ fjf.
2398), the other produced in 1255 in Sichuan by the Taoist master Wang Daoli 3: j![ ll, zi 2 Juan
Boxiu iB~, and revised by his grandson in 1290 (see Bisong lou cangshu zhi 66.3a). By Chen Xianggu ~t ~ 15 ; preface lIOI
In this commentary, Su Che seeks to illustrate the fundamental unity linking Tao 683 (fase. 364)
ism, Confucianism, and Buddhism. In a postface, dated 1I08, he states that it was in "Explication of the True Scripture of the Way and its Power." The present com
order to prove to a Buddhist monk: that the teachings of Confucianism were akin to mentary on the Daode jing has a short preface dated 1I0I. The author was "gentleman
those of Buddhism that he had undertaken to write this commentary on the Laozi. of discussion" (chengyi lang *~~~) at Song Huiwng's (r. 1I00-lI25) court (see Song
A more complete version of this postface is preserved in other editions. The present huiyao jigao 4:3895). The commentary is quoted in 707 Daode zhenjing jizhu by PENG
commentary is indeed particularly characterized by its Buddhist-oriented approach. Sr, and in TIO Daode zhenjing zhushu) corresponding to 2.4b in the present text.
Almost all the references to the Confucian classics are to the Yijing, on which Su Che Chen treats the Laozi as a continuous text, without using the traditional chapter
wrote a separate commentary. divisions. Thus, for instance, on I.I8a the last sentence ofc hapter 25 is followed directly
The dominant concept of the present work is foxing ~ 'Ii (return to one's own by the first phrase of chapter 26.
nature). This expression, associated with the Tiantai school Buddhism, had already The version of the Daode jing used here shows some textual differences in relation
enjoyed a long history in both Confucianism and in Taoism, but Su Che gives it un to the traditional HESHANG GONG and WANG Br editions. For example, the last
usual prominence. sentences of chapters 48 (here on 2.7b) and 52 (here 2.lOa) are lacking.
Like the Neo-Confucians and WANG PANG (706 Daode zhenjing jizhu 5.15a), Su Chen's glosses are short and do not develop any particular system. The explanations
Che uses a statement from the Book of Changes as a formula epitomizing individual are sometimes rather original (see, for instance, the commentary on the sentence in
asceticism: "By exploring the order of the world to its limits and examining their own chapter 13 (here on I.9a): "If I had no body, how could I suffer?'~ which reads: "Only
nature, they arrived at [an understanding of] the decree [of Heaven]" (qiongli jinxing when one no longer relies on the fact that one has a body, can the Tao operate its
yi zhi yu ming jlnm~'lifJ'¥:t.t1fP; Yijing) "Shuo gua:' I). In this way the expression mysterious function in the body?'
foxing connects with fuming tll1fP (to restore the decree of Heaven) and a Buddhist Isabelle Robina
concept can be linked to the Yijing (see the commentary to chapter 16, I.I9a-b).
Xing 'Ii is the ultimate reality, understood with the transcendental connotation that Song Huizong yujie Daode zhenjing *.mOOfjf.mfJa!li~
Buddhism attaches to it. It is the seat of the Tao in humanity (I.Ioa), so vast that it 4 juan
fills all Heaven and Earth; neither life nor death have power to alter it, nor can they in By Emperor Huiwng ff{m; ca. lIIl-IU8
any way increase or diminish it (I.14b). Xing is also the primary source through which 680 (fase. 359)
the senses experience the world and whence all beings originate (I.I5a; 2.4a). Xing is "Imperial Commentary on the True Scripture of the Way and its Power by Song
attained not by a quietism leading to the immobility of ''withered wood" but by a Huiwng." This commentary dates from the Zhenghe period (lIU-IU8). It was en
kind of immobility, a quiescence, that is radiant action (I.17b-18a). Ming 1fP (decree graved on stone and included in the Daozang after m8 (VDL 105 and 44, note).
of Heaven) is the miao trJ; transcendent, the wondrous aspect ofx ing. Xing remains in The main references used by Emperor Huizong are the Yijing and the Zhuangzi.
the realm of the word; ming transcends the word (I.19a). Huiwng punctuates the first sentences of the Laozi after wu and you) following the
[648] 3.A.I Philosophy 3.A.I Philosophy [ 649 ]
example of Sima Guang P] ,% it (1019-1086), and, like many commentators, he uses nonaction they rediscover the substance of the Tao, and since therefore there is noth
a phrase of Zhuangzi as his model. As a result, he places special emphasis on changyou ing that is not done, they achieve the function of the Tao. At rest, they are saints; in
'M'ff and changwu 'M'~ (absolute existence and nonexistence), which are parallel action, kings" (7.7b).
to zhiwu ~ ~ (the supreme wu), zhenwu !Jl ~ (the real wu), and miaoyou trYff (the Isabelle Robinet
transcendent you; 2.la). This emphasis reveals the persistent influence of Madhyamika
my; m:
and the commentators of the Chongxuan school: the wu underlies and encom Daode zhenjing shuyi tw !It ~ 1i ~
passes the you) and vice versa. Here, the changwu is associated with li:E1! (the norm 14-juan
of the world), and the changyou with shi $ (the mundane, affaires, i.e., Buddhist By Jiang Zheng ¥IlIt
categories). Other Buddhist influences can be discerned in the text: "return to one's 694- (fase. 37S-383)
nature" (foxing ~ 'Ii; e.g., I.I9b, 3.3b); "immobility of beings" (e.g., l.5a,7a); "total "Commentary with Explanations of the True Scripture of the Way and its Power?'
forgetfulness" or "forgetfulness of contradictions" (e.g., 3-I7b, ISa, ISb). The influ This work, probably written during the lifetime of Emperor Huiwng (r. IIOO-II2S)
ence ofNeo-Confucianism can also be seen, for instance, in the distinctions made by and addressed to him, includes a commentary of the Daode jing by the emperor and a
Huizong between the metaphysical and the physical world (e.g., I.27a, 2.I2b), in a subcommentary by Jiang Zheng that repeats Huizong's commentary and develops it
leitmotiv borrowed from the Yijing -"to go to the limit of the norm of the world and phrase by phrase.
to the extremes of one's own nature in order to arrive at the decree [of Heaven] -and Jiang'S work presents the same themes that are found in the Huiwng commentary,
in his discussion on the nonabsolute (wuji ~~) and the absolute (youji ~fj; perhaps most frequently "neither being nor nonbeing" (feiyou Jeiwu), influenced by
2.lIb). the commentators of the Double Mystery (Chongxuan) school: the absolute wu
Isabelle Robinet is the wu that is not wu) and the absolute you is the you- that is not you (I.7a), that
* is to say the transcendent wu that is the transcendent you) and the you that is the
Song Huizong Daode zhenjing jieyi *tI m: M! l ~M~ real wu. ,
10 juan Isabelle Robinet
Commentary by Zhang An 1jI 3(; before II2S
m: ua
6SI (fasc. 360-362) Daode zhenjing zhushu !It ~ tt 1i
"On the Meaning of Song Huiwng's Explication of the True Scripture of the Way Sjuan
and its Power." This subcommentary to the commentary 680 on the Daode jing by Attributed to Gu HUAN lilt (4-20-4-S3) and others
Huizong (r. 1I00-1I2S) was probably written during the emperor's lifetime and ad 710 (fasc. 4-04--4-06)
dressed to him personally. It follows the "classical" pattern insofar as it echoes features "Commentaries on the True Scripture of the Way and its Power?' This is an anthol
from Guo XIANG'S commentary on theZhuangzi. ogy of twenty-three commentaries on the Daode jingo The editors of the Ming canon
Zhang An states that the fundamental tenet of the Laozi is to be found in Laozi's indicated G U H UAN, Recruit for Office from the Wu Commandery (Wujun zhengshi
doctrine of weakness and nonresistance (1O.I4-a). On several occasions the commen ~ ~ 11i ±), as the compiler. This attribution is plainly mistaken, as the present anthol
tator affirms that he also is a partisan of nonaction. He returns repeatedly to the ogy can date only from the twelfth century at the earliest. The commentaries placed
theme ofJeiyou feiwu ~F~~F~ (neither being nor nonbeing) already elaborated by under the name of Chen are those of Chen Xianggu ~* ~ r!J (see 683 Daode zhenjing
.m
the Chongxuan y; school ofD ouble Mystery (see 745 N anhua zhenjing zhushu) and jie) that were published in 1101.
to the formula that places the Tao in "forgetfulness of the self and of others?' The Tao The main commentary, marked zhu tt, is that of HESHANG GONG; the sub
resides in everything, and everyone possesses it within himself Nature (xing tt:) is commentary (shu HrO is by CHENG XUANYING. Among the other glosses, the most
the One (S.13b). The general system of thought underlying this commentary is sum frequently quoted are (I) the Jiejie W~ commentary by an unknown author, some
marized as follows: "to go to the very limits of one's nature and thus reach supreme times identified as GE XUAN; (2) a subcommentary to that of HE SHANG GONG by
m,
emptiness, forgetful of oneself and others. Those who forget that they have forgotten a certain Wang, who may be identified as Wang Xuanbian X y; reported to have
find that their destiny has returned to the Great Beginning (Taichu :;tcf)]). Thus, by written such a subcommentary at the end of the eighth century (see 725 Daode zhenjing