The Tales in Apuleius' Metamorphoses James Tatum Transactions and Proceedings of the ...

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TheTalesinApuleius'Metamorphoses
JamesTatum
TransactionsandProceedingsoftheAmericanPhilologicalAssociation,Vol.100.(1969),pp.
487-527.
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THE TALES IN APULEIUS' METAMORPHOSES
JAMES TATUM
Dartmoccth College
There is no unanimity of opinion among modern scholars as to whether
A~uleius'M eta~~orphosiess as successfully composed as its golden title
might suggest.' It is not, for example, strictly a romance or at ire.^
Moreover, comparison with other works of ancient and modern fiction
has not entirely resolved the question of which genre it belongs to.3
The peculiar Latin and the account of the initiation of the hero Lucius
into the cult of Isis in the final book have attracted considerable
attention, but it is above all the tales scattered throughout the work
which have caused many to wonder how we can reconcile the incon-
testably serious ending of Book 11 with the tales and their oft-stated
purpose of "entertaining" the reader?
Perhaps the frivolity of these stories is exaggerated because of asso-
ciation with later authors' use of them (e.g. the Tale of the Tub in
Boccaccio), or perhaps the idea that the work is nothing but a series
of Milesian tales (serrnone isto Milesio, 1.1) makes us expect nothing
but entertainment. Yet most of these tales are neither mundane nor
I For a recent survey of all Apuleian scholarship, see Carl C. Schlam, "The Narrative
Structure of the Metamorphoses of Apuleius" (Diss. Columbia 1968) 4-31; and for a
brief discussion of the contrary results reached in assessing its composition, see my Dis-
sertation (Princeton 1969), "Thematic Aspects of the Tales in Apuleius' Metan~orphoses,"
6-14.
See B. E. Perry, The Ancient Ron~ances:A Literary-Historical Accout~fo f their Origins,
Sather Classical Lectures 37 (Berkeley 1967) 237-82.
3 For Comparison with ancient works, see A. Mazzarino, La Milesia e Apuleio (Torino
1950) and V. Ciaffi,Petronio in Apuleio (Torino 1960); for modernliterature, H.Riefstahl,
Der Roman des Apuleius: Ein Beitrag zur Ron~antlzeorie (Frankfurt am Main 1938) and
Rolf Heine, Untersuchungen zur Romanform des Apuleius von Madaura (Diss. Gottingen
1962).
4E.g. B. E. Perry (above, note 2) 233-34 and 242-43; and Erich Burck, "Zum
Verstkdnis des Apuleius von Madaura," Vom Menschenbild in der rotnischen Literatur
(Heidelberg 1966) 399-400.
48 8 JAMES TATUM [I969
light-hearted. If they are told only for our delectation, one marvels
at the tastes they would appeal to, for they usually end in the humiliation
and death of the characters involved.
It has been a conventional practice in analyzing the Metamorphoses
to deal with all the so-called Einlagen, or episodes and tales which
do not appear in the Pseudo-Lucianic Loukios or the Ass.5 A considera-
tion of only the tales might have some advantage over such analysis,
for Apuleius' formal identification of the constituent parts of his work
extends only to these fibulae (va~iafsa bulas conseram, I.I), and not to
other kinds of additions he may have ~nadet o the story of Lucius,
such as long speeches or a description of a piece of sculpture. Taking
all the Einlagen together also obscures the fact that the tales form most
of the work. Their prominence argues that they cannot be taken
merely as pleasant interruptions in the wanderings of Lucius. Some
have been studied for their beauty,6 and others for their flaws,' but
they also merit attention to see whether all of them, and not just
the story of Cupid and Psyche, have an intelligible and serious role in
relation to the final book. If they do have some bearing on the story
of Lucius and the "Isiac" interpretation of his experiences in Book 11,
then it will be possible to maintain that the Metamorphoses is a disciplined,
purposeful composition throughout.
Before considering the tales, I offer here a summary of the religious
interpretation which the eleventh book gives the first ten.
At the end of Book 10, Lucius flees the amphitheater and gallops for
his life, not only because he is ashamed of copulating with a condemned
woman in public, but also because he fears that the beasts sent to slay
the woman will not be "civilized" enough to spare him. Both Apu-
leius and the author of the Greek epitome shape the subsequent action
on the basis of an understandable fear of death, but with very different
5 For a 1st of the various Einlagetl categorized by form, see Max Bernhard, Der Stil
dc,s Apuleiirs von ~Madaalrra( Stuttgart 1927) 259; Albin Lesky offers the best example of
the analytical method of studying the origin of various Einlagen in "Apuleius von
Madaura und Loukios von Patrai," Hermcs 73 (1941) 43-74.
6 E.g. the Cupid and Psyche story; see Pierre Grimal, Metainorphoses 4.28-6.24: Le
conte dlAnzoi,r et Psych; (Paris 1963) 1-29, for a comprehensive summary of the many
studies on this tale.
7E.g. the tales of Thelyphron and Aristomenes; cf. B. E. Perry, "On Apuleius'
Metainorphoses 1.14-17,'' CP 24 (1929) 394-400, and "The Story of Thelyphron in
Apuleius," CP 24 (1929), 23 1-38.
VO~1.001 THE TALES IN APULEIUS 489
results.8 Loukios eats the roses and returns to his original form (Onos
54), and h~dsi lemma, as well as his story, are resolved by his re-transfor-
mation. Apdeius' Lucius flees the theater, however, and makes his
way to Cenchreae (10.35). His concern for salus becomes the transi-
tional idea to the final book, and the basis for his appeal for salvation
to the "Regina caeli" (11.2). As is possible with the word salus,9
the idea of momentary freedom from danger is transformed into salus
in a religious sense, or 66 salvation." This leaves the original idea of
escape from momentary personal danger, wliich at first is identical
with the situation in the Onos, far behind indeed. The perils of the
arena are regarded as only the last in a long series of misfortunes:
tu meis iam nunc extremis aerumnis subsiste, tu fortunanl conlapsan1
adfirma, tu saevis exanclatis casibus pausam pacemque tribue (I 1.2).
This appeal recalls Lucius' earlier statements about his experiences.IO
Further, we see here the same language which Isis, her priest, and
Lucius himself will use as he becomes an initiate into the cult." In
this way does the first half of Book 11 refer to Lucius' story, so that
the priest's speech in the center of the book (II.I 5)is a continuation of an
established point of view. His adventures were an unpleasant alterna-
tive to life without Isis, and his "Odyssean" wanderings, which he
8ieiCv f&. O nTO03V 54Z, ~KTO8S24 &ov p2v~ v?~j8T0~6~~$Q~uvvEr( laTin9~d L~1,0d .34-,K r"~q~T~~~~aKe Ecu~m~Equ&VaedaO Se8x,2i t2iu8m~ -
mulieris bestia fuisset immissa non adeo vel prudentia sollers vel artificio docta vel
abstinentia frugi posset provenire."
For the religious concept of salus, cf. Nilsson, GGR 2.159 and 689 (on soteria), and
Q
624-39; Latte, RRG 227 note 3, and 234-35; and A. D. Nock, Conversion (London
1963) 9 ff.
The word aerumna in particular is often used to describe Lucius' tribulations; cf.
'0
3.29 ("tot aerumnis me liberare"), 7.16 (" talibus aerumnis edomitum novis fortuna
saeva tradidit cruciatibus"), 8.26 ("iam meas futuras novas cogitabam aerumnas"),
7.2 ("veteris fortunae et illius beati Lucii praesentisque aerumnae et infelicis asini facta
comparatione"), 7.27 ("nec aerumnae meae miseretur ").
"
Cf. 11.5, "adsum tuos miserata casus, adsum favens et propitia. mitte iam fletus
et lamentationes, depelle maerorem; iam tibi providentia mea inlucescit dies salutaris"
Isis); 11.15, "multis et variis exanclatis laboribus magnisque Fortunae tempestatibus
et maximis actus procellis ad portum Quietis et aram Misericordiae tandem, Luci,
venisti ...en ecce pristinis aerumnis absolutus Isidis magnae providentia gaudens
Lucius de sua Fortuna triumphat" (the priest of Isis); and 11.19, adfatis itaque ex
"
officio singulis narratisque meis propere et pristinis aerumnis et praesentibus gaudiis
me rursum ad deae gratissimum mihi refero conspectum" (Lucius).
490 JAMES TATUM [I969
once boasted made him at least a "much-knowing " man (9.13), are
now regarded as nothing but one trial after another under evil fortune.
Because of such interpretative consistency, the speech at 11.15 is
the most importailt statement of an "Isiac" view of the entire Metamor-
phoses.12 The priest's language recalls remarks in the first part of the
book, and adds more besides. He explains why Lucius endured what
he did, and also to what point those experiences have now brought
him. Interpretation of past experience and initiation into the cult
are so closely linked together that this speech is nothing less than a
signification of the story in Books I through 10 into the morality of
the worshipers of Isis. What the priest says here is by no means
an isolated display piece set down in an effort to link Book I I with the
rest of the work.'"
Throughout the Lctan~ovphosesthere are repeated professions of
pleasing the reader or of telling a << charming" story,I4 but what the
priest says does not make either Lucius' travels or the tales which he
heard sound trivial. His trials really were the "storms of fortune"
of which the priest speaks. The very phraseology echoes the words
which were used earlier in the book to describe his "labors" and
6'
disasters." I5 The "port of quiet" and the "altar of mercy" which
Lucius has reached are the answers to his plea for salus in 11.1-2.
IZ See Willi Wittmann, Das Isisbuch des Apuleius: L'tztersuchrrngen zur Geistesgeschichte
des zweitetz Jahrhuttderts (Stuttgart 1938) 77 and Lesky (above, note 5) 72.
'3 For a different opinion see Perry (above, note 2) 242.
'4 Cf. 1.20, "sed ego huic et credo hercules et gratas gratias memini, quod lepidae
fabulae festivitate nos avocavit, asperam denique ac prolixam viam sine labore ac
taedio evasi" ; 2.20, ''immo mi Thelyphron," Byrrhena inquiet, "et subsiste paulisper
et more tuae urbanitatis fabulam illam tuam remetire, ut et filius meus iste Lucius
lepidi sern~oi~tiusi perfruatur comitate"; 4.27, "sed ego te narrationibus lepidis anili-
busque fabulis protinus avocabo"; 9.4, "cognoscimus lepidam de adulterio cuiusdam
pauperis fabulam, quam vos etiam cognoscatis volo" ; and 9.14, "fabulam denique
bonam prae ceteris, suavem, comptam ad auris vestras adferre decrevi, et en occipio."
All these reasons for telling a story follow the theme of the reader's entertainment
which is announced so elaborately in 1.1 (esp. "auresque tuas benivolas lepido susurro
permulceanl" and the concluding exhortation, "lector intende: laetaberis"); and the
last example, 9.14, in particular echoes the opening words of the Metamorphoses ("aures-
clue tuas benivolas," "fabulam . .. comptam ad auris vestras").
Cf. 11.2, "tu meis iam nunc extremis aerumnis subsiste, tu fortunam conlapsam
15
adfirma, tu saevis exanclatis casibus pausam pacemque tribue; sit satis laborum, sit
satis periculorum"; and 11.15, "multis et variis exanclatis laboribus .. .pessimis
periculis . . . pristinis aerumnis."
VO~1.001 THE TALES IN APULEIUS 491
Cenchreae, the "surest port for all vessels," becomes the $6 surest
for Lucius, too, as the site of his conversion.16
As the priest says, the reason for Lucius' suffering is that, in spite
of his book-learning and good background,I7 he was addicted to
6 6 servile pleasures" ("serviles voluptates"), and was punished for his
66 unlucky curiosity" ("curiositatis inprosperae sinistrum praemium
repostasti"). This criticism is only just; indeed Lucius' curiositas is
frequently acknowledged as the most notable feature of his character.'s
This abandonment to "servile" pleasures is a condemnation of double
significance. Sexual gratification is on a "lower" level than the divine,
and servilis also recalls that Lucius was quite literally abandoned to
-
sex with a ~ervin~-~Firolti,s , up to the moment of his metamorphosis.
His appeal to Fotis to reveal her mistress Pamphile's magic arts was
tied very explicitly to their mutual pleasures.19 As he accepts the
worship of Isis, he will adopt something altogether different from such
promiscuous living, for service to her offers a "higher" pleasure
(without sex), and also a complete rejection of any curiosity about her
Throughout the speech, fortune is continually said to be the agent
of Lucius' sufferings, and in fact the half-proverbial, half-real Tyche
of the Greek Romance20 is conceived of everywhere in the Meta-
16 Cf. 10.35, "portus etiam tutissimum navium receptaculum," and 11.15, "ad
portum Quietis et aram Misericordiae tandem, Luci, venisti."
I7 An observation frequently made while Lucius was a man; cf. 1.20, 1.23, 2.5, and
esp. 3.11 (his noble backiround), 3.15 (his learning).
18 The most recent study is by Carl C. Schlam, "The Curiosity of the Golden Ass,"
C] 64 (1968) 120--25. The meaning and implications of the word curiositas have been
studied with considerable thoroughness; see for this also the excellent study of the
history of the word by A. Labhardt, "Curiositas, notes sur l'histoire d'un mot et d'une
notion," MH 17 (1960) 206-24; R. Joly, "Curiositas," AC 30 (1961) 33-44; S. Lancel,
"Curiositas et PrCoccupations Spirituelles chez Apulie," RHR 160 (1961) 25-46; H. J.
Mette, " Curiositas," Festschrft Bruno Sttell (Miinchen 1956) 227-3 5 ; "Curiositas und
Magie, Apuleius und Lucius als litterarische Archetypen der Faust-Gestalt," Wort trnd
Text: Festschrift Fritz Schalk (Frankfurt am Main 1963) 57-82.
'9 Lucius himself says that he is a slave to his passions for Fotis: "in servilem modum
addictum" (3.19).
Cf. the description of Tyche by Erwin Rohde in Der griechische Roman (Leipzig
20
1914) 303 : "Im triiben Spiegel lassen sie (sc. die Romane) uns gleichwohl mit unerfreu-
licher Deutlichkeit erkennen, wie jenen Zeiten das Gesamtbild des menschlichen
Daseins erschien. Durch Lznder und uber Meere treibt die "neidische Tyche," wie
sie immer gennant wird, ihre Helden vom Gluck in das Elend und immer neue Not;
meint man endlich, nun sei des Unglucks Gipfel uberstiegen, so schleudert ein Zufall,
492 JAMES TATUM [I969
morphoses as an almost visible foe against whom Lucius and many
others bitterly complain.21 Thus is "blind Fortune" transformed into
a "seeing Fortune, or Isis-Tyche, one of Isis' numerous manifestations :
"
in tutelam iam receptus es fortunae, sed videntis, quae suae lucis splendore

ceteros etiam deos illuminat (I1.15).

This change resembles that in voluptas, which we saw move from the
6< s
ervile" pleasures of Fotis to the spiritual joy of worshiping Isis.
So also does Lucius exchange his former servitude as an animal of
-
burden for the voluntary yoke of a servant of Isis ("ministerii iugum
subi voluntarium"). The more he serves her, paradoxically, the freer
he shall become ("nam cum coeperis deae servire tunc magis senties
fructum tuae libertatis
").22
As the speech ends, those standing around are impressed by the
6'.
innocence" and "faith" which must have marked Lucius' earlier
life for him to merit such honor.23 He is "reborn" into the services
of the goddess, and soon shows his new self by rejecting the very faults
which had previously been so much a part of his character. In the
latter half of Book 11, he is careful to guard the secrets of Isis' cult
from the uninitiated, is solicitous about keeping his readers free from
the dangers of "rash curiosity," and adopts the asceticism of a priest
of Isis.24
eine neue Laune des LXimons die Armen wieder zuriick." This description could have
been taken from Lucius' own remarks onfortuna at 7.2.
Z1 E.g. Socrates (1.7)~A ristomenes (1.16), Cupido (5.5), Charite (6.28), and most of
all,Lucius(7.2,7.17, 7.20,7.25,8.1,8.24,and 10.4).
ZZ A comparison with the Onos shows that the periergia of Loukios is not as sinister
as the curiositas of Apuleius; e.g. Onos IS, 4 rijs a'~alpovT O ~ ~T T~T ~E ~ L ET~h~e ~ ~ s .
counterpart of fortunn, tyclt!, is used only in a proverbial and innocent fashion, as at
Onos 47, r7jv rdX7v dpGv cinahdv POL npouP~~8~Gu~ava pla eG~~ "TpL~
roV^ro P~VOVTA nalYv~ov~ V ~ U ~ U aEnLd ,19, ah& TLS 8alpwv p&u~avosa vvcls
TGV+Gv POU~EU~&T2Ws ~V0 3vavrlov~E~L?~VE~KIEn Vn.e ither case does periergia
or tycllC undergo the kind of transformation in meaning which we see in Apuleius.
23 This comment about Lucius' character is not ironic or a slip on Apuleius' part,
but an accurate explanation of his credulity and inability to recognize evil; cf. below,
p. 512.
2 ' His address to the reader at I 1.23 reveals a complete reversal in character: "Quaeras
forsitan satis anxie, studiose lector, quid deinde dictum, quid factum; dicerem, si dicere
liceret, cognosceres, si liceret audire. sed parem noxam contraherent et aures et linguae
illae temerariae curiositatis." And this from a man who, at the beginning of his
travels, could say of himself, "non quidem curiosum, sed qui velim scire vel cuncta
vel certe plurima" (I. z) !
V0l. 1001 THE TALES IN APULEIUS 493
The changes in meaning of fortuna, voluptas, and servitium, and
Lucius' total rejection of curiositas, suggest that Books I through 10
need not be "religious" at all, or rather that they may be so only by an
enthusiastic, but unsuccessful, attempt to affirm a point ofview opposed
to the doctrine preached in Book 11. Thus, the more vulgar and
sensual the experiences, or the tales, the more << moral," ultimately,
they may prove to be. Presumably we need not wait until Book 11
to recognize that curiositas or the baser voluptas are wrong. Such vices,
if presented cleverly, will discredit themselves in the telling.
If this proves true, I realize I am tending towards a moralistic inter-
pretation of these stories-perhaps even a humorless one. But the
priest of Isis does exactly this in 11.15. Apuleius never mentions the
reader's edification, but, unless the tales are drastically out of harmony
with the religious interpretation of this work which I have outlined,
a purpose deeper than mere entertainment should be discernible in
the stories.
THE TALES OF ARISTOMENES AND THELYPHRON
The tale of Aristomenes, the first in the Metamorphoses, introduces the
reader into the strange world of Thessalian magic.25 Lucius meets
two men on the road and urges one of them to tell a story which the
other finds quite unbelievable. This tale is designed to pass the time
of a tedious journey, but there proves to be little enough festivity in
it.
Aristomenes begins, as do Lucius (1.1) and Thelyphron (2.21), with
a brief reference to himself and what caused him to enter upon such
a situation (1.5). His description of the appearance of Socrates force-
fully establishes the image off ortuna as a malign power:
humi sedebat scissili palliastro semiamictus, paene alius lurore, ad miseram
maciem deformatus, qualia solent fortunae decermina stipes in triviis
erogare (1.6).
25 See Perry (above, note 2) 259-64; Vincenzo Ciafii, Petronio in Apuleio (Torino
1960) 9-52; esp. 9-17 and 38-41; J. J. M. Feldbrugge, Het Schertsende Karakter van
Apulei14s'Metamorphosen (Utrecht 1939) 4-11; and Paul Junghanns, Die Erziihlungstechtzik
von Apuleius' Metamorphoses und Ihrer Vorlage (Leipzig 1932) 121-22.
494 JAMES TATUM [I969
The first words of Socrates, the "refuse" of fortune, are a warning
to Aristomenes not to ignore her unpredictability:
"Aristomene," inquit, "ne tu fortunarum lubricas ambages et instabiles
incursiones et reciprocas vicissitudines ignoras" (1.6).
He is nothing but a "trophyw of fortune:
at ille, ut erat, capite velato, "sine, sine," inquit, "fruatur diutius tropaeo
Fortuna, quod fixit ipsa" (1.7).
Socrates ends his account of his troubles by blaming the witch Meroe
and fortune for his lot. This is the samefortuna which shall torment
Lucius, but of which he is as yet ignorant. At the same time, it should
be noted that Socrates' explanation of his troubles reveals that he him-
self bears some responsibility for all this, for he enjoyed Meroe's
favors not unwillingly: "Meroen, anunl sed admodum scitulam" (1.7).
Just as fortune first appears vividly in the description and lamenta-
tions of Socrates, so also a negative conception of vo1t.rptas is established.
Aristomenes scolds Socrates for placing sexual pleasures before the
welfare of his own family:
"pol quidem tu dignus," inquam, "es extrema sustinere, si quid est
tamen novissimo extremius, qui voluptatem Veneriam et scortum scorteum
Lari et liberis praetulisti" (1.8).
Socrates does not bother to refute this charge of volzrptas Veneria and
scorttrrn scortetrnz, but only cautions Aristomenes not to criticize the
morals of the "divine" Meroe, who has punished many people before
for such indiscrete talk. Thus a close association, which reappears
throughout the Metamorphoses, is established from the very beginning
between magic and its use for the gratification of sexual desires, and
revenge for their frustration.26 This outburst against Socrates' dalli-
ance with Meroe is the only explicit condemnation of voltrptas ever
made until the priest at I 1.15 mentions Lucius' "servile pleasures."
26 Meroe changes various lovers into other forms and uses her magic for evil purposes,
as does Pamphile (cf. 2.5); and the evil wife in the tale at 9.14-31 calls on a witch's
help either to return her to her husband's good graces, or to kill him (9.29). Note esp.
the virtually identical phraseology which describes the woman in Book 9 and Meroe:
"saga. . . et divina potens" and "saga illa et divini potens." Lucius decides to learn
about magic by using the maid Fotis to accomplish his ends: "verum enim vero Fotis
famula petatur enixe. nam et forma scitula et lnoribus ludicra et prorsus argutula
est" (2.6).
VO~1.001 THE TALES IN APULEIUS 495
In spite of his distaste for Socrates' conduct, Aristomenes recognizes
the savage as well as the miraculous nature of Meroe's arts: "'Mira,'
inquam, 'nec minus saeva, mi Socrates, memoras'" (1.11). But this
does not save him from their wrath when witches finally appear. He
is named an accomplice in Socrates' desertion of Meroe, and is threat-
ened with for his dicacitas and curiositas: << fax0 eum sero,
immo statim, immo vero iam nunc, ut et praecedentis dicacitatis et instan-
tis curiositatis paeniteat" (1.12). ~icacihsis more apparently a fault of
Socrates than Aristomenes, and neither of them is as clearly a curiosus
as Lucius. But regardless of the justification, curiositas, likefortuna and
voluptas, is unmistakably identified and punished.
Panthia suggests to Meroe that Aristomenes be castrated'27 but he
is spared in order to bury his friend. Socrates' throat is cut, like an
animal's at a sacrifice, "a vjctimae religione" (1.13). When the
witches leave, Aristomenes' fear of being blamed for this murder
leads him to attempt escape, but the gatekeeper refuses to let him
out. He then attempts suicide, but the bed on which he jumps falls
to pieces, and his search for salus in death is thwarted. At that
moment, the janitor enters and Socrates springs up alive, accusing him
of being a curios~rsi ntent on stealing something (1.17).
This is a miraculous deliverance from a somewhat contrived, but
nonetheless horrifying dilemma. Aristomenes is apparently saved from
prosecution, and Socrates seems more robust than ever. This proves,
however, to be a false deliverance. A similar turn of events occurs
in the tale of Thelyphron in Book 2, where there is likewise a seemingly
happy resolution to what appears a hopeless situation (2.26). There,
by falling asleep on the job of watching a corpse, Thelyphron does
the one thing he ought not to have done. At the very moment he
awakes, the widow and her attendants enter and discover the corpse
unharmed. He, too, is overcome with joy at his sudden luck, and is
in fact so beside himself that he makes a rather tactless remark which
results in his expulsion. In both tales there is a deceptively happy
27 The niotif of mutilation and castration is not so pronounced a theme as curiositas
or voluptas, but it does recur later in the work; Lucius is so threatened by the robbers
and the evil boy in Rook 7. For a Freudian interpretation of castration as a literary
motif in another author, see J. P. Sullivan, Petronius' Satyricon: A Literary Study (London
1968) 232-54 (esp. 248, on castration). In the Isis-Osiris myth the member of the god
Osiris is cut off and thrown into the Nile; cf. Plutarch, De Iside et Osiride 18.