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The Success of Competitive-Communism in Japan PDF

208 Pages·1988·18.939 MB·English
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THE SUCCESS OF COMPETITIVE-COMMUNISM IN JAPAN Also by Douglas Moore Kenrick BANKING PRACTICE IN NEW ZEALAND THE THEORY AND PRACTICE OF PRICE CONTROL IN HONG KONG, 1946--47 THE BOOK OF SUMO A CENTURY OF WESTERN STUDIES OF JAPAN DEATH IN A TOKYO FAMILY The Success of Competitive Communism in Japan Douglas Moore Kenrick President, Douglas Kenrick (Far East) Ltd Senior Vice-President, Asiatic Society of Japan M MACMILLAN PRESS © Douglas Moore Kenrick 1988 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright Act 1956 (as amended), or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 33-4 Alfred Place, London WClE 7DP. Any person who does any unauthorised act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. First published 1988 Published by THE MACMILLAN PRESS LTD Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 2XS and London Companies and representatives throughout the world British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Kenrick, Douglas Moore The success of competitive-communism in Japan. 1. Japan-Social conditions-1945- I. Title 952.04'8 DD HN723.5 ISBN 978-0-333-45726-9 ISBN 978-1-349-19367-7 (eBook) DOI 10.1007/978-1-349-19367-7 Contents Preface viii Acknowledgements Xl PART I INTRODUCTION 1 Competitive-Communism 3 Japanese practice, Communist theory 3 Public ownership of property 4 Classless society 7 Dictatorship by the workers 10 Japan's competitive-communism 12 2 Beneath the Western Veneer 14 Similarities 14 Mystery? 17 Uniqueness 19 PART II COMMUNISTIC BEHAVIOUR AND SOCIAL STRUCTURE 3 Cliques 27 'Cliques' not 'groups' 27 'Cells' 29 'Fraternities' 31 'The clan' 32 4 Outsiders 35 Japanese outsiders 35 Alien outsiders 38 Public spirit 43 5 Dependence 45 Dependence 45 Gregariousness 49 Emotions and self-control 51 Egoism 53 6 Rationality 55 Japanese rationality 55 v VI Contents PART III CONTINUITY AND TRANSMISSION OF AN ANCIENT SOCIAL STRUCTURE 7 Tradition 65 Cultural origins 65 The retention of the old 67 The Japanese house 71 Assimilation 73 8 Hierarchy 75 Hierarchy 75 Rank versus role 77 Decision-making 78 9 Obligations and the Law 82 Obligations, politeness, apology 82 Laws 84 Regulations 87 Contracts 88 10 Religions, Mythology and Morality 92 Religions 92 Mythology and superstition 97 Morality 100 11 Communication 104 Language 104 Non-verbal communication 105 Speaking and writing 106 12 Women 112 Matriarchy? 112 Childhood training 116 13 Labour 121 'Lifetime' emp,loyment 121 Indoctrination and incentives 125 Security 128 'Workaholics' and 'economic animals' 129 Total quality control 131 Trade unions 134 Contents Vll PART IV JAPAN IN RECENT YEARS 14 Japan's 'Economic Miracle' 141 Pre-Pacific War growth 141 The post-war 'miracle' 143 15 Stone, Paper and Scissors 149 'Japan incorporated' 149 Bureaucrats 150 Politicians 152 Businessmen 157 Stone, paper and scissors 158 16 Is Japan a Closed Market? 162 The Japanese market 162 Government controls 166 17 Are the Japanese Efficient? 175 Efficiency 175 18 The Economic Scene 182 Today 182 Tomorrow 186 19 Japan's Competitive-Communism 193 Bibliography 199 Index 200 Preface Catchwords like 'Japan As Number One', 'workaholics', 'economic animals', 'rabbit hutches', 'Japan Incorporated' and 'groupism' have been coined to emphasise outstanding features of Japan. They give partial and sometimes misleading impressions. For example, 'vertical structure' and 'lifetime employment' accentuate aspects of Japan's economic system which are not unique to Japan. To understand Japanese behaviour we must delve behind the catchwords, but single phrase descriptions, including the title of this book, usually contain grains of truth and some terms fit better than others as equipment with which to scale the high communication barriers between Japan and the outside world. 'Competitive-communism' is one. We all harbour some impressions of Japan. Many Westerners link her with prisoner-of-war camps during the Second World War or, in recent decades, with industrial efficiency. To visualise a culture very different from our own these facts of Japan's past and present should be mixed with many others. Generalisations about nations are dangerous. There are too many exceptions. Not all individuals act in the same way. Most Japanese have been reared to live with mutual dependence and most Westeners have been taught to have faith in freedom of choice. However, I know many Japanese who are individualistic and, on the other hand, Westerners whose dependent behaviour resembles that of Japanese. Nevertheless, if they help to reduce misunderstandings, generalisations are justified. Concrete buildings and the fashionable Western clothes of those who walk the crowded streets give an overwhelming impression that Tokyo is very similar to London, New York, Paris or any other modern twentieth-century city. And so it is. Western influence, apparent on all sides, is impossible to overlook, but even the here today-gone-tomorrow tourists may notice outcroppings they find strange - the bowing, the shrines and temples, the festivals, the goods in some shops, the treatment they encounter - sometimes very satisfying, at other times very frustrating. Tokyo, with a population of about twelve million, has barely thirty named streets. Similarities should not blind us to imp,ortant differences. Much that is now familiar to Westerners has been adopted in little more than a hundred years. Japan has grafted industry and many Western ideas and practices on to her agricultural and 'semi-feudal' social viii Preface ix systems while avoiding the generations of class conflict through which the West has struggled. She has been able to pick and choose while retaining many of her traditional concepts and procedures just as, after the Second World War, she selected and imported the latest machinery and techniques to rehabilitate her destroyed factories. The Japanese work together closely in exclusive cliques which erect barricades between insiders and those outside. I hope that, when the barriers are seen, it will be possible to lower or avoid them. My Japanese friends have encouraged me not to hide the cleavages between our cultures and to write from the Western viewpoint so that they can see their country through Western eyes. The pronouncements of people with long experience in any field should be viewed with the same caution as the assertions of those who volunteer their opinions without knowledge to back them. However, one must seek guidance if one wants an idea of what to expect of the citizens of another country. Over a decade ago, after twenty-five years of living and working and being confused in Japan, I set out to explore what lay behind Japanese behaviour that did not match with my experiences in other countries. In this presentation I give my personal view of the whole complicated and contradictory picture of Japanese behaviour and Japan's economic and social structure. I have not followed the scholarly practice of quoting a number of authorities and summing up with a guarded conclusion on each of the many limited subjects. To do so would make for a very lengthy exposition. Instead, I give my condensed conclusions interspersed with a few illustrations from relevant scholarly opinions, news items from the daily press and personal experiences. If some of my conclusions are controversial, they have been backed by much study before being summarised in their present form. The theme and title, 'Competitive-communism', has only recently emerged as the binding thread that I think accounts for Japanese success in international trade. Despite the contradictions a pattern can be discerned. It allows scope for keen competition constrained by a desire for harmony and underlying communal controls. Hyphenating 'communism' with its antithesis 'competition' highlights the contradic tions and the misunderstandings that exist. Competition (the profit motive) has been mixed into a cliquish social structure by giving pride of place to communal, person-to person, human relations that leave limited room for aggressive individualism. The cliques raise barriers against outsiders and, to enjoy the benefits of membership, the insiders exercise constant self-

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