The Study of English in China as a patriotic enterprise

15 Pages·0.51 MB·English

by  Gao X.

WorldEnglishes,Vol.31,No.3,pp.351–365,2012. 0883-2919
TheStudyofEnglishinChinaasapatrioticenterprise
∗
XUESONG(ANDY)GAO
ABSTRACT: DrawingonresearchonChina’spathtoindividualization,thispaperdeconstructsana-
tionallyrenownedChineseindividual’sconstructionofhissuccessinlearningEnglishinChina.Bydecon-
structinghissuccess,thispaperillustrateshowheskilfullyintegratestraditionalculturaldiscoursesinto
hismessages,callinguponindividualChinesetoinvesteffortintolearningEnglish.Thedeconstruction
helpsrevealthatthissuccessfullearnerhasconsistentlyprojectedhimselfasa‘desiring’and‘enterprising’
individualwhoremainspatrioticinhispursuitofEnglishcompetence.Itcanbearguedthatthesuccessful
languagelearnerinhisconstructionisaproductoftheindividualizationprocess,whichhasbeenmanaged
andendorsedbythepoliticalestablishmentontheChinesemainland.
INTRODUCTION
The rise of English as an international language has always been a debatable issue. Its
critics condemn the global dominance of English as a form of linguistic imperialism, in
which hegemonic powers like Great Britain and the United States extend their influence
andinterestsbypromotingtheteachingandlearningofEnglish(e.g.Phillipson1992).In
contrast, others have observed that the ascension of English as an international language
has been supported by individuals in various contexts who appropriate the language as a
means to pursue their localized interests and agenda (e.g. Canagarajah 2007). It is true
thatgovernmentsactivelypromoteEnglishinmanycontexts,regardlessoftheambivalent
attitudes they may have towards it because of the crucial role that it plays in sustaining
global exchange of ideas, people, capital and commodities (Bamgbos.e 2001; Block and
Cameron 2002; Crystal 2003; Jenkins 2007). Yet, research has also documented various
ways inwhich individualsinmanycontexts are empowered by theirEnglishcompetence
and see the language as an integral part of their identity (e.g. Norton and Kamal 2003;
Lamb2007).Theseindividuals’experiencesraiseintriguingquestionsforfurtherresearch
on the interplay between the individual creativity and contextual conditions under which
Englishhasspreadasaninternationallanguage.Suchresearchhelpsrevealhowindividuals
have been generating alternative perspectives on the language as they appropriate it for
their own purposes. For this reason, I report on an interpretive inquiry into a mainland
Chineselearner’sconstructionofhissuccessinlearningEnglish.
LiYang,thelearnerwhoisthesubjectofthisinquiry,rosetonationalprominenceinthe
1990sasaprogenitorofthe‘CrazyEnglish’method(Bolton2002;2003;Woodard2006;
2008;LiJ.2009).Heusedhissuccessstoryasafoundationalmythtobuildacommercially
profitableenterpriseandnowattractsalargenumberofEnglishlearnersacrossChina.Li
Yangclaimshewassomethingofanacademicfailurewhenatschool,apupilwholacked
self-confidenceandwhowasbarelyabletoenterauniversityinwestChina.Atuniversity,
hefailedinmanycourses,includingEnglishandCollegeEnglishTestBand4,andfaced
∗FacultyofEducation,UniversityofHongKong,PokfulamRoad,HongKong.e-mail:[email protected]
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thegrimprospectofnotgettinghisdegree.ThenhedecidedtoreadEnglishasloudlyas
possible in public every day and discovered a few months later that he had improved his
English skills significantly. Following his success in the College English Test, he began
to publicly promote his way of learning by shouting English ‘crazily’ in public lectures
nationwide.Inoneofhistelevisioninterviewsin2007,heclaimedtohavedelivered700
to800publiclecturesdescribinghismethodoflearningEnglisheachyearinthepreceding
20 years and his public lectures had attracted 30 or 40 million participants (Chen, L.
2007).IthasbeennotedinresearchthatLiYang’sCrazyEnglishlecturesroutinelyinclude
messages of ‘a sharp and focused nationalism’ (Bolton 2003: 254; also Bolton 2002).
He declares on the ‘Crazy English’ official website that his enterprise has the motto
of stimulating patriotism, advocating national spirit, conquering English and revitalizing
China. Li Yang’s enterprise and personal prestige peaked when he was chosen to be an
ambassador to represent the Beijing Municipality for the 2008 Olympics, indicating the
politicalestablishment’sofficialendorsementoftheenterprise.
Inmanysenses,LiYang’srisetonationalprominencepresentsanilluminatingexample
illustrating the rising importance of individuals and individualization of society on the
Chinese mainland at a time of dramatic socioeconomic changes (Yan 2010). As a result,
his meteoric rise demands a close look at the kind of learning success he projects onto
millions of other learners in China (e.g. Bolton 2002; 2003; Li, J. 2009). In this paper, I
drawonthesociologicaltheoryofindividualizationofChinesesociety(BeckandGrande
2010;Yan2010)todeconstructthesuccessstoryLiYangconstructsinhismessagesand
answerthefollowingquestions:
1. Whatdoesthissuccessfullanguagelearnerlooklikeinhismessages?
2. Howcanhisconstructionofhimselfasasuccessfullanguagelearnerbeunderstood
inrelationtothesociopoliticalcontextofthetimeinChina?
In the following sections, I first discuss briefly how English has been appropriated
and relate this appropriation of English to the individualization of society in the Chinese
context.IthendescribethecontextualconditionsinwhichLiYang’sCrazyEnglishmethod
rosetoprominenceandhighlightthecharacteristicsofindividualsconsideredendorsable
bytheestablishment.
THEAPPROPRIATIONOFENGLISHINCONTEMPORARYCHINA
Because of its fateful encounter with the British in the 19th century, China’s attitudes
towards the English language have been ambiguous, shifting from active resistance to,
recently,enthusiasticembrace(Adamson2002;2004;Bolton2003;Lam2005;Gao2009;
Orton2009).Attimesitwasoftenrelatedto‘militaryaggressors,barbariansandvirulent
anti-communists’ and considered ‘a threat to national integrity’ (Adamson 2002: 231),
although the intellectual elite has for centuries recognized the role that English has in
theprocessofChina’sacquisitionofadvancedtechnologyfromtheWestinitspursuitof
modernization. For this reason, the elite have acknowledged the necessity for the nation
to revitalize itself into a strong nation state by ‘studying China for essence, the West for
utility’(zhongxueweiti,xixueweiyong)(Adamson2004:vii;alsoseeGao2009).After
the opening up and re-engagement with the world from the 1970s onwards, the Chinese
governmentstartedappreciatingthecriticalimportanceofEnglishtothenation’spursuitof
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ThestudyofEnglishinChinaasapatrioticenterprise 353
modernization,promotingitas‘thefirstpreferredforeignlanguage’(Chang2006:516).
Therefore, it can be argued that the spread of English in China results from a process of
‘controlledandselectiveappropriation’withtheintentionto‘useEnglishforstatebuilding,
whilemaintainingculturalintegrity’(Adamson2002:231).
Since China re-engaged itself with the world in the 1970s, the public has displayed
unswervingenthusiasmforlearningthelanguage,whichhasnosignofabatingevenwith
the recent rise of China as a major global power. So far, studies of Chinese learners of
EnglishhaverevealedthatthelearningofEnglishdoesnotnegativelyimpacttheirChinese
identities and, on the contrary, their findings suggest that they are likely to get both their
Chinese and English speaker identities reinforced in the process (e.g. Gao, Cheng, Zhao
andZhou2005;Gao,Zhao,ChengandZhou2007;Li,J.2009).Yet,inthispublicfervour
forlearningEnglish,onemightwonderhowsuch‘controlledandselectiveappropriation’
ofEnglishcanbeachievedatthelevelofindividuallearners,especiallywhenthesociety
itselfisundergoingaprocessofindividualizationandconsequentlyhasbecomegradually
fragmented(Beck1992;Yan2010).Furtherquestionscanberaisedastohowindividual
learners’appropriationofEnglishfortheirownagendafitstheChineseintellectualelite’s
schemeinwhichthenationneedsbetterEnglishandyetretainsitsculturalintegrityatthe
same time. The answer probably lies in the ways in which the individualization process
hasbeenmanagedontheChinesemainland.
THECHINESEPATHTOWARDSINDIVIDUALIZATIONOFSOCIETY
Reflecting on the increasing fragmentation of society, Beck (1992) suggested that the
Westhasenteredanewstageofmodernityoraprocessoftripleindividualization,which
includesprocessesof:
Disembedding, removal from historically prescribed social forms and commitments in the sense of
traditionalcontextsofdominanceandsupport(the‘liberatingdimension’);thelossoftraditionalsecurity
withrespecttopracticalknowledge,faithandguidingnorms(the‘disenchantmentdimension’);and–
herethemeaningofthewordisvirtuallyturnedintoitsopposite–re-embedding,anewtypeofsocial
commitment(the‘control’or‘reintegrationdimension’)(Beck1992:128).
WhileBeck’s(1992)theorizationofindividualizationhasfocusedonWesternsocieties,re-
searchershavealsousedthetheorytoexploreandinterpretrecentexperiencesincountries
likeChina,whichhaveculturaltraditionsandsocialconditionsdifferentfromthoseinthe
West(BeckandGrande2010).Committedtorevitalizingthenation,Chinastarteditsmod-
ernizationandindividualizationofsocietyin‘aneconomyofshortage,widespreadpoverty
and a totalitarian political regime’ unlike ‘affluent [societies] under political democracy’
intheWest(Yan2010:507).Tomodernizethenationagainstallodds,theChineseintel-
lectual elite theorized Chinese individuals as having two selves: ‘the small self, centered
onpersonalinterest,andthegreatself,basedontheinterestofthenation’(Yan2010:494).
They commend individuals to sacrifice their ‘small’ selves for the sake of advancing the
‘great’selfandconceptualizethenation’smodernizationasatriplerealizationof‘astrong
state,awealthynationandaprosperousindividual’(Yan2010:507).Suchaconceptual-
ization of the nation and the individual in relation to modernization has persisted among
the Chinese intellectual elite and has been absorbed by ideological discourses emanating
fromthepoliticalestablishmentsincefoundingofthePeople’sRepublicofChinain1949.
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As argued by Yan (2010), individualization of Chinese society continued in spite of
political upheavals in 1960s and 1970s and has since been transformed into a process
carefully monitored and managed by the party-state. Consequently, the individualization
processinChinadoesnotmirrorwhathashappenedintheWest.Forinstance,insteadof
liberatingindividualsfromtraditionalvaluesandobligations,theprocessmayincorporate
resurgenceofthesetraditionsasinthepromotionofNeo-Confucianisminthe1990s(Liu
1996;Miller2010).Individualsalsotakeonvariousmeaningsintheprocess.Eventhough
individuals’ ‘small self’ has been accorded progressively increasing importance by the
currentpoliticalestablishment,thesocialistideology,togetherwiththetraditionalChinese
culturaldiscourses,hasbeenusedtodiscreditindividualpursuitsofhappiness,interestor
desire as inappropriate. It was only after the late 1970s that individuals were allowed to
pursuewealthandpowerforthenation-state,aswellasforthemselves,thusencouraging
theemergenceofdesiringandenterprisingselvesinthesociety(Yan2010).Ascanbeseen
inhisbiographicalnote,LiYangisonesuch‘desiring’and‘enterprising’individual.
THESOCIOPOLITICALCONDITIONSFORTHEEMERGENCEOF
‘CRAZYENGLISH’
Since the individualization process in the Chinese society has been carefully managed
by the political establishment, a proper deconstruction of Li Yang’s messages about his
learning success depends on an appreciation of sociopolitical conditions in the 1990s,
whenhebegantopromotehis‘CrazyEnglish’learningmethodnationwide.
In the early 1990s, China’s modernization came close to an abrupt halt due to the
terrible incident in 1989 at Tiananmen Square and the resultant sanctions. The political
establishment at that time believed the incident had been caused by injudicious imports
of Western ideas and culture that had taken place because of China opening itself to the
world(Chen,F.1999).Theestablishmentpubliclyattributedthetragedytoaconspiracyby
WesternimperialiststoorchestratepoliticalchangesinChinabychangingyoungpeople’s
political beliefs and cultural attitudes (Glaser 1993). As a result, there was a period of
politicalconservatism,immediatelyfollowingtheincident;China’smodernizationefforts
seemedtohavebeenputonholdforthemoment.Onlyin1992didDengXiaopingrestore
themomentumofChina’smodernizationpacebydeclaringpubliclyhissupportforamore
market-orientedeconomyinthecountry(Zhao1993).
In the meantime, China adopted a highly pragmatic approach to promoting English as
acrucialinstrumentforitsmodernization,despiteperceptionsofthedangerthatWestern
ideas and culture were likely to be transmitted to China through the language (Adamson
2002;2004;Bolton2002;2003;Chang2006;Gao2009;Orton2009).Whattheestablish-
mentfeltwasnecessaryinthenewerawastoprevent‘fliesormosquitoes’fromcoming
in when the window was ‘open for fresh air’ (Saunders 2000: 55). While the marketized
Chineseeconomyneedsenterprisingindividuals,thepoliticalestablishmentinChinahas
triedtoensurethattheseindividualsretainastrongsenseofnationalismandpatriotismin
spiteoftheirincreasingexposuretoforeigninfluences(Townsend1992;Zhang,X.1998;
Zhao 1998; Miller 2010). For this reason, the 1990s saw the establishment increasing
supportforthepromotionofneo-Confucianismandplacingemphasisontheimportance
of sacrificing ‘small selves’ for the ‘great self’ in political education (Zhao 1998; Chen,
F. 1999; Miller 2010). They also repeated the traditional argument that students should
study China for essence, the West for utility as a means to benefit the nation from its
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engagementwiththeworldwithoutitlosingitsculturalandnationalintegrity(Adamson
2004;Gao2009).ThesemovessignifiedaresurgenceofinterestinChinesetraditionsand
culture or things that could be used to define China’s cultural integrity. These concerns
of the political establishment thus defined the boundaries of the ideological space where
Li Yang could promote himself (as the successful language learner) and his commercial
enterprise.
THESTUDY
TheinquiryinterpretsLiYang’sconstructionofhimselfasasuccessfullanguagelearner
withanaimtounderstand,ratherthanexplain,thisasasocio-culturalphenomenon(Kin-
sella2006).Tobeginwith,ImustadmitthatmyunderstandingofLiYangandhis‘Crazy
English’messageshasbeenshiftingovertheyears.Ifirstbecameawareofthephenomenon
assoonasLiYangstartedpromotingit,whenIwasafinal-yearuniversitystudentonthe
Chinese mainland in the 1990s. I was then particularly attracted by the role model that
he set for many learners, including myself, as he called on us to devote ourselves com-
pletely to the learning of English for the nation. This message was appealing to me to
the extent that it matched the ideological world I had placed myself in. For this reason, I
sawnoalternativeinterpretationofthephenomenon.OnlyinrecentyearshaveIbegunto
question the ideological world that underscored my previous interpretations and develop
acriticalunderstandingofthesociopoliticalconditionsofthattime.Asaresult,Istarted
tolookforalternativeinterpretationswhichhelpedrevealtheinterconnectednessbetween
thephenomenonandthesociopoliticalconditionsofthetime.ThenIbegantoappreciate
thesignificanceofLiYang’ssuccessinthelightoftheestablishment’seffortstodrawon
Chineseculturaltraditionsasfoundationsofitsauthorityandatthesametimemodernize
thenationtobeapowerfulstate(Chen,F.1999;Miller2010).Giventhissituatednatureof
interpretations, my interpretation of Li Yang’s success may remain partial. Nevertheless,
as I have grounded this research as an attempt ‘to connect the everyday problems indi-
viduals face to public issues of power, justice and democracy’ (Kincheloe and McLaren
2000:289),IintendthisanalysisofLiYang’ssuccesstoprovideinsightsintotheprocess
of promotion of a learner of English in the form of a highly ambitious and enterprising
individualwhileensuringtheindividualremainsendorsablebythepoliticalestablishment
inChina.
The main source of data came from Zhang Yuan’s documentary movie on Li Yang’s
‘Crazy English’ in 1999 (Chen et al.1999). The film documents how Li Yang travelled
acrossthenation,givinglecturestopromotehis‘CrazyEnglish’method.Tohaveabetter
understandingofhissuccess,IalsoconsultedhisTVinterviews(e.g.Chen,L.2007;Zhang,
Y.2009),semi-autobiographicalbooksclaimedtohavebeenwrittenandeditedbyhim(e.g.
Li,Y.2007;2009)andothersources,includingcommentariesonhisworksinrecentyears.
Tofacilitatetheanalysis,thedocumentariesandTVinterviewsweretranscribed.Guided
bytheresearchquestions,Iused‘paradigmaticanalyticprocedurestoproducetaxonomies
and categories out of the common elements across the database’ (Polkinghorne 1995: 5;
also see Erickson 2004). The deconstruction of Li Yang’s messages has been facilitated
byemergingsetsofcontrastivethemes,includingthoseofnation/statevs.individual/self.
With references to theoretical readings that inform the analysis, these sets of contrastive
themesalsoincludedthoseoftradition/modernityand‘greatself’/‘smallself’(Yan2010).
Intheanalysis,Ididnotfinditparticularlychallengingtoidentifytheserecurringthemes
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in these sources since Li Yang has been fairly consistent in his construction of himself
asasuccessfullanguagelearner.Drivenbythecompulsionsofmarketing,healwaysputs
thesethemesupfrontinplacessuchastheofficialwebsiteof‘CrazyEnglish’orlearning
materials. Therefore, the primary focus of my interpretation efforts has been the ways
in which he integrates these contrastive themes into highly motivating messages when
instigatinghisfollowerstolearnEnglish.
Todemonstratehowtheanalysiswasconducted,Iusethefollowingextracttoexemplify
thedataanalysis:
(1) Whyshouldwemasterthislanguage,toolandweapon?Whyshouldwespendsomuchtimeandenergy
on English? The answer is obvious: to improve ourselves, to serve our country and our people, and
to communicate freely with the world. This is our ultimate goal. This is our Number One mission.
[...]Let’smasterEnglishtospreadChineselanguageandculture.Let’smasterEnglishtomakeChina
strongerandmoreprosperous.Let’smasterEnglishtomakeourfuturebrighter.Let’smasterEnglishto
makeourworldabetterplace(Li,Y.2009:5).
In Extract 1, Li Yang tries to answer a list of questions that potential readers may be
preoccupiedwithwhenlearningEnglishasfollowsIntheanalysis,hewasfoundtohave
emphasizedthatthelearningofEnglishservestheinterestsofindividuals(i.e.‘smallself’)
and the nation (i.e. ‘great self’). Such emphasis is indicative of the traditional pursuit of
individualperfectionasameanstoimprovethesociopoliticalwell-beingofthesocietyat
large(Lee,W.1996;Lee,T.2000;Thøgersen2002).Yet,hismessagealsohasadistinctive
modern tone as Li Yang reiterates the role that English has in China’s engagement with
the world and projects enterprising learners who are committed to making ‘our future
brighter’.
After such preliminary analysis I compared and contrasted interpretive results from
different data sources and found that Li Yang’s construction of himself as a successful
languagelearnerdidnotgobeyondwhathasbeencapturedbyZhangYuan’sdocumentary
in1999.Thissaid,hisrecentpublicmessagesdoshowthatheplacesmoreemphasisonthe
importanceoftraditionalfamilyvalues,whiletheystillconsistentlyprojectsthelearning
of English as a patriotic enterprise. On 1 September 2008, he announced that he would
resign from his ‘Crazy English’ enterprise and devote himself to a new adventure that
‘teaches men and women to be proper parents’ (Zhang, Y. 2009). It must be noted that
LiYanghimselfdislikesthedocumentary,sayingthat‘themoviewasstupid’and‘itwas
notarealdocumentary’foritsapparentintentionwasto‘pleaseaWesternaudience’(City
Weekend 2006). It is also necessary to mention that I was not particularly looking for
patterns in the analysis. Instead, I was constantly looking for interpretive illustrations to
deepenmyunderstandingofthesuccessfullanguagelearnerinLiYang’smessagestohis
audiences.
LIYANG’SCONSTRUCTIONOFTHESUCCESSFULLANGUAGELEARNER
TheanalysishelpedrevealthatthemajortenetsinLiYang’sconstructionofhimselfasa
successfullanguagelearnerprojectabalancedmessageofthetraditionalemphasisonthe
significanceofindividualimprovementforthesociopoliticalwell-beingofthesocietyat
large(Lee,W.1996;Lee,T.2000;Thøgersen2002),andamodernentrepreneurialspiritin
pursuingindividualsuccess (Yan 2010). Itcan beargued thathisconstructionofhimself
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ThestudyofEnglishinChinaasapatrioticenterprise 357
asa successful language learner reflect hisefforts totraditionalize themodernpursuitof
learning English and modernize the traditional aspect of learning the language within an
ideologicalspaceendorsedbythepoliticalestablishmentontheChinesemainland.
Traditionalizethemodern
Li Yang has impressed upon many language learners that he achieved his learning
successbydoingsomethingextraordinarysuchasshoutingEnglishwordsorsentencesin
public. He insists on this ‘revolutionary’ nature of the ‘Crazy English’ learning method
in his public lectures. The ways of learning English he promoted in these lectures are
indeedunorthodoxincomparisonwithmanylanguagelearners’classroomexperiencesin
China.However,theanalysisofhismessagesrepeatedlydeliveredinhispubliclecturesand
promotionalmaterialsrevealedthedominanceoftheChinesetraditioninhispresentations
of ‘Crazy English’ method as a means to achieve learning success. First of all, Li Yang’s
successstories,foundationaltohiscommercialenterprise,aretraditionalinthesensethat
theysoundsosimilartothosefolklorestoriesofsuccessesbeyondexpectation,whichmay
notbeconfinedtotheChineseculturalcontextalone.
Attheverystart,LiYangwasfullyawareofthemotivationalpowerastoryofsuccess
beyondexpectationhasforindividuallearners.AsrecordedinZhangYuan’sdocumentary,
he clearly intended to manipulate his own success story to motivate others for learning
English:
(2) Nomatterwhatcountryyou’refromoryourreligion,thereisonlyonetouchingstoryonearth.And
thatispullingyourselfupbyyourbootstraps,withanunremittingdetermination[...]Wefusetogether
inspiring philosophy, the spirit of struggle, English studying methods and national pride. So we can
have such great appeal [...] The easiest way is to say that Li Yang felt inferior, Li Yang felt like a
good-for-nothing, Li Yang failed 13 college exams, and he failed 3 semesters of English in a row.
People will see themselves in this story. Others say he has succeeded because he is gifted, but after
hearingthissimplestory,theywillknowheusedtobelikewhatwearenow.Butnowheisdifferentthan
us,hehasexperiencedstruggleandovercomehimself.It’snotbecauseofhisfamily,hisopportunityor
hisluck,norbecauseofwhohisfatheris.Hehasrisenfromanordinarypersontoasocialhero,thisis
whatwewanttospread.Asthiscenturyendsandthe21stcenturyapproaches,whatdoweneednow?
Weneedheroes.Whatelsedoweneed?English.Those2factorscombinetomakeLiYang’sCrazy
English.(Chenetal.1999;alsoseeBolton2002:195–96)
As can be seen in the extract above, he considers himself a modern ‘hero’ and relates
his own success in learning English to societal needs of the 21st century. However, this
reference to the 21st century hardly conceals the very traditional nature of his success.
ThetraditionalChinesediscoursesofeducationandlearningdonotplacemuchemphasis
on‘gift’,‘family’,‘opportunity’or‘luck’inachievingindividualsuccess(Lee,W.1996).
Instead, the traditional discourses underscore the critical role that individuals’ will and
efforts have in leading them to success beyond expectation (Lee, W. 1996; Li, J 2003).
Thisisexactlywhathepreachedtohisaudiencesinpubliclectures.AsindicatedinExtract
2,hehasmadeitabsolutelyclearthathisstrongwillandintenseeffortsmadeitpossible
forhimtoachievesuchimpressivesuccess.
Moreover,LiYangproclaimsthathedoesnotinvesteffortsintolearningEnglishonly
forhisownbenefit(i.e.‘smallself’)andstimulateotherlearnerstolearnEnglishforthe
well-beingofhisfamilyandcountry,hiswordsresonatingwiththetraditionalemphasison
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358 Xuesong(Andy)Gao
the importance of ‘great’ self in individual pursuits (e.g. Lee, T. 2000; Thøgersen 2002).
For example, he told a television reporter about the benefits he had acquired through
learningEnglish:
(3) BecauseofmysuccessinlearningEnglish,IhavebecomeconfidentinmyselfandIamnolongera
diffidentperson,aloser.ThroughlearningEnglish,Ihavegainedtheconfidenceofacity,confidence
ofaprovince,confidenceofthewholenation,confidenceofthewholeAsiaandthewholeworld.[...]
I wanted to help others learn English. I wanted to share my experience with them. I wanted to help
allpeopleinthiscountrymasterthelanguage[...]Ialsowantedtohelpallwesternerslearntospeak
Chinesesothatwecanremovethelinguisticbarrierbetweenus(Feng2003).
As can be seen in Extract 3, he highlights the social functions of learning English and
stresses the connection between individuals’ English competence and the sociopolitical
well-being of the nation and society at large (Lee, T. 2000; Thøgersen 2002). In fact, he
explicitlyassertsthat‘masteringEnglish’isoneofthemostimportantwaysforindividuals
to take up the responsibility for the ‘fall and rise of the nation’ (Li, Y. 2009: 2). In this
sense, his message on patriotism also has a modern flavour, which is dealt with in later
sections.
In addition, Li Yang’s frequent references to family are distinctively traditional. In his
publiclecturesandteachingmaterials,hehighlightstraditionalvaluessuchasfilialpiety,
thatis,dutytoandrespectforone’sparents,aspromotedbyConfucianwritingsandregards
themasanintegralpartofforcesmotivatingsuccessfullanguagelearners.Herhetorically
asked his audience in public lectures how they can ‘face their parents if they cannot
learnEnglishwell’(Chenetal.1999).Hehasrelevantstatementsintwentyinspirational
sentencesforyoungpeople,asfollows:
(4) Lights in classrooms are our mothers’ eyes of expectation. Never let your mother down. We need
to unconditionally love our parents, respect our parents and submit ourselves to our parents (Li, Y.
2009:2).
He further spells out the following pledge that he believes must be recited every day by
middleschoolpupils:
(5) Forourfuture,forourfamilies’happiness,forourparents’expectations,forourmotherland’sprosperity,
andforworldpeace,letusmakeupourminds[...]smashoursenseofinferiority,andovercomeour
laziness;[...]conquertheCollegeEntranceExaminationsandcreateglorioussuccessfullives(Li,Y.
2009:6).
As can be seen in Extract 5, he intends these patriotic messages to be internalized by
pupils and to become a part of a motivational force sustaining their learning efforts. To
furtherfurnishhismessageswithtraditionalflavours,ZhangYuan’sdocumentaryrecorded
thathepromotedhimselfasasuccessfullanguagelearnerinplacesregardedasiconicsites
for Chinese culture, such as the Forbidden City and the Great Wall. The documentary
shows that Li Yang visited the Marco Polo Bridge where the eight-year-long full scale
Sino-Japanese war had started. He was even found in the documentary to be teaching
People’s Liberation Army soldiers English (Bolton 2002; 2003). The nationwide journey
he took to promote ‘Crazy English’ can be read as a reminder to all viewers of the film
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ThestudyofEnglishinChinaasapatrioticenterprise 359
that they might help the nation reach its modernization goal by working hard at learning
English.
It must be noted that his stress on traditional values, such as filial piety, in his public
lectures did create problems for him. On one occasion, he asked the whole audience,
hundredsofmiddleschoolpupils,tokneeldowninordertoexpresstheirdeepappreciation
of and gratitude to their teachers. When pictures showing these pupils kneeling down in
public appeared in the media, they caused a nationwide outcry against this behaviour,
manyaccusinghimofenslavingthesepupilswithhisideologies.Hedefendedhimselfin
aninterviewwithajournalist,arguingthatkneelingdownispartofthetraditiontodisplay
respectfor‘teachers’and‘parents’:
(6)LiYang: I feel that it is a normal thing for them to do (kneel down). I feel happy about it
becauseIthinkthattheyarepayingrespecttoteachers.Studentsnowadaysdonot
respecttheirteachers.Thisisnotright.TheTeacher’sDayiscoming.Ihopethatall
Chinesestudentsshouldfeelgratefulfortheirteachers.
Reporter: Whydoyouthinktheywouldkneeldown?TheydidsoforEnglish?
LiYang: IalwaysbelievethatEnglishisjustatool.Ijusthopethatteacherswillberespected,
includingmeandotherteacherswhoareimpartingwisdomtoourstudents.Wehave
atraditionofrespectingteachersinthepast.Whycannotwedothisnow?Sometimes
Ievenaskmystudentstospankthemselvesforself-discipline.Ithinkthatthisisone
ofourbesttraditions(XinKuaiBao2007).
Many on the Chinese mainland may find it difficult to endorse his interpretation of
Chinesetradition,butitisclearinthisconversationhehadwiththejournalistthathedrew
ontheChinesetraditiontodepictparticularattitudesthatsuccessfulEnglishlearnersshould
havewithregardstoteachersandallthosewhohavehelpedtheminthelearningprocess.
Consideringthewayhepromoteshis‘CrazyEnglish’enterprise,itcanbearguedthatLi
Yangutilizesthesetraditionaldiscoursesoflearningtobalancethedistinctiveprominence
thathegivestothedesiringandself-enterprisingindividualsinhismessages.
Modernizethetraditional
ThedominanceofChinesetraditioninLiYang’sconstructiondoesnotnegatetheways
hehasmodernizedthetraditionalpursuitofsuccessinlearningEnglish.Hisconstruction
abouthislearningsuccessbearsunmistakablemarksofbeingrelatedtotheChinesenation’s
pursuit of modernization. While his emphasis on the significance of individual learners’
success for the society at large echoes the Chinese cultural tradition, the highlight on
desiringandself-enterprisingindividualsinhisself-promotionmessagesismodern(Yan
2010).
UnliketheChineseculturaltradition,LiYangdoesnotmissanyopportunitytopromote
himself and his success. His biographical and autobiographical accounts all stress the
point that he spoke English with a ‘perfect’ American accent, though he had never been
to the States. He devoted all his public lectures to promoting himself as a successful
languagelearnerandpresentinghismethodsoflearningEnglishastheway.Hebasically
allows millions of learners to worship him as a hero and follow him as his disciples in
his ‘Crazy English’ lectures. This focus on individual is reflected by his use of ‘I’ when
referringtothe‘CrazyEnglish’methodinhispubliclecturesandteachingmaterials.For
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instance,whenheintroduceshimselfinaradiobroadcast,‘I’emergestobeanactiveagent
full of commitment, motivational forces and actions in achieving learning success in his
messages:
(7) Iwasalwaysdetermined,I’llstarttomorrow,I’llstarttomorrow!Everyonewantstosucceed.Iwantto
serveasanexample.MyCrazyEnglishconsistsofmanyphilosophiesoflifeandsuccess.Theseslogans
arealreadypopularinChina.Forexample,Ienjoylosingface,welcomesetback,relishsuffering,and
seeksuccess(Chenetal.1999;alsoseeBolton2002:195).
Asanotherexample,hewasfoundtousehisstoriesofsuccesstoencouragehisfollowers
toadoptatraditionalapproachtolearningEnglish,thatis,memorizationofEnglishtexts.
Forinstance,herecalledhowhebecamea‘preferred’interpreterfortheConsulateGeneral
oftheUnitedStates,Guangzhou,Chinaasfollows:
(8) IwasaskedtobeaninterpreterfortheAmericanConsulatealmosteveryweek.Whatmadethisduty
particularlychallengingisthateveryweekitwasaboutsomethingdifferent,somethingIdonoteven
knowmuchinChinese[...]Finally,Ifiguredoutawaytodothisjobproperly.Twoorthreedaysbefore
theevent,Iwouldfindoutanythingrelatedtothisunknowntopicfortheevent.Iwouldchoosethe
keymaterialsandlookedupanyunknownwordsinthem.ThenIcrazilyreadthemaloudandcrazily
memorized all of them. Almost in two or three days’ time, Ibecame an expert in the field that was
unknowntomebefore.Eachtimeitwasagreatchallengeformetodotheinterpretationjobproperly
[...](throughmemorization),Imanagedtoimprovemyselfeachtime(Li,Y.2004:21).
LiketheoneinExtract8,thesestoriesusuallydepicthowheovercamevariouschallenges
in using English through memorization and managed to achieve enviable success, in
particular,beforeaninternationalaudience.Theyweresupposedtomesmerizehalf-hearted
learnersintobelievingthattheycouldachievesomethingiftheyshoutedandrecitedEnglish
texts again and again. With such frequent reference to ‘I’ in achieving learning success,
these stories, like many other pieces of rhetoric produced by Li Yang, acknowledge the
importanceofhavingadesiringandself-enterprising‘I’inachievinglearningsuccess(Yan
2010). This individual is a new being, contradictory to what has been expected of many
Chineselearnersbythetraditionalculturaldiscourses(e.g.Lee,W.1996).Thetraditional
culturaldiscourseswouldrequireLiYangtobemodestandhumbleabouthisachievements
andwouldbeunlikelytotoleratethepromotionofanindividualonsuchagrandscalein
hispubliclectures.Hispromotionofindividualsuccesswouldalsobecriticizedasbeing
‘egoistic’orassociatedwithnegativepersonalqualitiessuchas‘vanity’and‘pride’(Yan
2010).Asmentionedearlier, thispossiblyexplainswhyLiYangintegratesthisemphasis
on individualachievements withfilial piety and‘a sharpand focused nationalism’in his
messages(Bolton2003:254).
Moreover,LiYang’semphasisonthecriticalrolethatEnglishhasintheChinesenation’s
pursuit of modernization is a feature of modern times. While education has always been
seenashavingpracticalandinstrumentalvaluesinChineseculturaldiscourses(e.g.Lee,T.
2000;Thøgersen2002),itsconnectiontonationalismandpatriotismwasfairlyrecentand
it happened after China’s humiliating encounters with the West (Townsend 1992; Zhang,
X.1998).Inhispubliclectures,aswellasintheinterviews,hewasfoundtohavetoldhis
audiencethatlearningEnglishwasthe‘mostconcretewaytoloveyourcountry’,addinga
layerofpatriotismtohisconstructionoflearningsuccess.InZhangYuan’sdocumentary,
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