The Sociotechnical Nature of Mobile Computing Work

14 Pages·2005·0.43 MB·English

International Journal of Technology and Human Interaction, 1(3), 1-14, July-September 2005 1
The Sociotechnical Nature of
Mobile Computing Work:
Evidence from a Study of
Policing in the United States
Steve Sawyer, The Pennsylvania State University, USA
Andrea Tapia, The Pennsylvania State University, USA
ABSTRACT
In this article we discuss the sociotechnical nature of mobile computing as used by three
policing agencies within the United States. Mobile devices, access, and service was provided
via a third-generation wireless network to a focal application, Pennsylvania’s Justice NETwork
(JNET), a secure Web-based portal connecting authorized users to a set of 23 federated criminal
justice and law enforcement databases via a query-based interface. In this study we conceptualize
mobility and policing as a sociotechnical ensemble that builds on the social-shaping of
technology perspective and the tradition of sociotechnical theorizing, focusing on the co-
design of work practices and technologies to support work. Drawing from the social informatics
tradition, we turn a critical, empirical, and contextual lens on the practices of mobility and
work. Our analysis of the data leads us to observing that the social and the technical are still
considered separately in the context of mobile work. This simple view of social and technical as
related, but distinct, often leads to problems with collecting and interpreting evidence of ICT-
based systems’ design and use. We further note that this over-simplification of sociotechnical
action is likely to continue unless more viable analytic approaches are developed and the
assumptions of the current techno-determinist approaches are challenged more explicitly.
Keywords: field trial; mobility; policing; sociotechnical analysis
INTRODUCTION productivity through instant access to com-
puting resources at any time from any-
where. Here we explore the
One of the many alluring possibilities
sociotechnical nature of this envisioned
of mobile computing is that people will be
future for mobility. In the social informatics
able to access computing resources while
tradition, we turn a critical, empirical, and
on the move. In organizational contexts,
contextual lens on the practices of mobility
mobile computing (or mobility as we refer
(Kling, 1999, 2000; Sawyer & Eschenfelder,
to it here) engenders scenarios of increased
2002).
Copyright © 2005, Idea Group Inc. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written
permission of Idea Group Inc. is prohibited.
2 International Journal of Technology and Human Interaction, 1(3), 1-14, July-September 2005
We first explain why policing is an lice officers in the U.S.) is accelerating in
appropriate domain in which to explore the U.S. (Nunn, 2001). Partly, this atten-
mobility and work. We then conceptualize tion comes in response to the country’s in-
mobility as a sociotechnical ensemble. In creased attention to Homeland Security
subsequent sections we lay out the re- (Rudman, Clarke, & Metzel, 2003), though
search, outline our data collection and efforts to improve policing through ad-
analysis, and then present and discuss vanced computing pre-date current atten-
seven findings. We conclude by focusing tion (Northrup, Kraemer, & King, 1995).
on implications regarding sociotechnical The limited functionality and advanced age
analysis. of many criminal justice and police systems
further magnify this attention (Brown,
Why Focus on Policing? 2001).
There are at least three reasons why Contemporary research also suggests
policing is an appropriate domain for study- that police are open-minded about new
ing mobility. First, police officers’ work has technologies (wireless and otherwise) and
always been highly mobile. It is also knowl- generally view favorably the potential of
edge-intensive and pervasive (for more on new technologies to change policing (Nunn
this, see Manning, 2003). Second, there & Quinet, 2002; Lin et al., 2004). In fact,
continues to be great interest in using ICT the evidence shows that most police de-
to better support police officers’ informa- partments across the United States have
tion needs. For example Manning (1996), one- to three-year plans either to imple-
in his study of cellular phone take-up among ment wireless technology or have already
police, reported on the long-standing dis- implemented some form of wireless tech-
parity between police officers’ information nology (Dunworth, 2000). To support these
needs and the abilities of the ICT used to efforts, both the United States departments
provide them that information.1 Third, po- of Homeland Security (DHS) and Justice
licing and criminal justice have long been a (DoJ) provide a range of grants to support
focus of academic study; that provides us information technology innovations in po-
with extensive literature on police work, the lice departments throughout the nation. In
social norms, informal and formal organi- addition, there is funding by local jurisdic-
zational governance mechanisms, and an tions and a variety of other sources, includ-
understanding of their technological basis ing internally generated revenue, such as
(see Manning, 1977; Klockars & fines, to support technological innovation.
Mastrofski, 1991; Manning, 2003)2.
Current research findings provide MOBILE COMPUTING AS
contrary views as to whether the take-up A SOCIOTECHNICAL
of ICTs is driving the organization and
ENSEMBLE
structure of police departments, or if it is
Sociotechnical perspectives focus
the reverse (Manning, 2003; Lin, Hu, &
both conceptual and analytical attention
Chen, 2004; NASCIO, 2003; Taylor, Epper,
on three concepts: that which is social,
& Tolman, 1998). Evidence is clear that
that which is technical, and their inter-
the uptake of new computer-based systems
relations. In our study of mobile access
and uses of mobile technologies (beyond
to computing resources for police work,
the nearly omnipresent radio communica-
the sociotechnical perspective helps us
tions suite in most cars and with most po-
Copyright © 2005, Idea Group Inc. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written
permission of Idea Group Inc. is prohibited.
International Journal of Technology and Human Interaction, 1(3), 1-14, July-September 2005 3
to highlight that mobility is a complex and cense plate numbers, car details, and even
interdependent set of relations among data on the driver based on the driver’s
people (workers and managers), their or- license proffered to the officer), and what
ganizational rules and roles, and various data the officer can and should collect.
computing resources (such as the techni- Escalation procedures are proscribed, and
cal aspects of the mobile infrastructure, these vary based on time of day, assess-
devices used, information sources, and ap- ments of the local situation, and other op-
plications accessed). Following Orlikowski erational considerations.
and Iacono (2001), we conceptualize mo- For instance, imagine that a sergeant4
bile access to computing resources as an sees a pick-up truck speeding down a
ensemble comprising the wireless network, breakdown lane to avoid stopped traffic in
access devices, applications being used, the travel lanes and gives a chase. The driv-
information and data (both structures and ers of the truck see the police car chasing
content), procedures followed, norms of them and, as is customary in the U.S., pulls
behavior (relative to events, systems, and over to the side of the road. The sergeant
others), governance structures, and both sees that the driver is agitated to the point
institutional and environmental constraints. where he is cursing out the vehicle’s win-
Conceptualizing mobility as a dow; the truck is shaking from “omnidirec-
sociotechnical ensemble helps highlight tional fury,” and the sergeant and calls for
the nuanced and multi-faceted interde- backup from his car radio. While waiting
pendencies uniting people, what they do for backup, the officer puts on black leather
with computing resources, and how they gloves (in case they scuffle), unsnaps his
are designed and used. We further argue weapon’s securing strap (in case it goes
that what is social and what is technical beyond scuffling), calls in to police dispatch
are engaged in certain times and places with vehicle information, and then switches
and in certain ways. Thus, we build on to his body radio, talk activated. With the
the work of policing by focusing on spe- radio live (and all other officers on that fre-
cific events and situate these events in quency quiet, and the police dispatcher dis-
specific times and places. This contex- passionately updating time until backup ar-
tual frame provides us the means to rives)5, the sergeant approaches the upset
ground the analysis of the sociotechnical driver and starts the (relatively prescribed)
interactions. process of gathering particular information
The particular interactions among on the driver’s identity as the first step in
these constructs will likely vary by situa- writing up a traffic citation. The backup
tion. For example, in a routine3 event such officer arrives while the sergeant is con-
as a traffic stop, these constructs are tied fronting the driver, pulls up diagonally in
together in a prescribed way. There are front of the stopped pickup (to reduce the
policies regarding the use of the car and possibility of a “drive-off”), and stands in
personal (attached to the officer’s uniform) plain view and direct line of sight to the
radio, a standard set of practices that guide driver, weapon at the ready.
the set of interactions the officer has with A more common traffic stop will have
both the police dispatcher and with the less drama for the driver (but perhaps some
driver of the car being stopped, particular irritation), may not require backup or bring
rules about the information needed from out the visible presence of force, and likely
police resources (such as registration, li- does not escalate until the driver receives
Copyright © 2005, Idea Group Inc. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written
permission of Idea Group Inc. is prohibited.
4 International Journal of Technology and Human Interaction, 1(3), 1-14, July-September 2005
multiple citations. But both traffic stops pects of the social, the technical, and their
engage the same set of devices, applica- interaction (see Kling, McKim, & King,
tions, network, common information, and 2001).
data flows; draw on the same governance Rather than focusing on a specific
structures; follow the same set of proce- theoretical approach to examining the
dures (albeit down differing paths, but sociotechnical action of policing and mo-
paths stemming from the same procedural bility, we use Bijker’s (1995) principles of
guides); and reflect common and well- sociotechnical change theory to illustrate
developed norms of policing behavior the generic goals of this approach, and to
(norms both explicitly taught through ex- discuss the theoretical tensions that exist
tensive training, and also learned and re- in sociotechnical IT research. These ten-
inforced by doing policing). sions provide a range of possibilities for
Conceptualizing mobility and polic- specific sociotechnical research efforts.
ing as a sociotechnical ensemble builds on Here we use them as orienting principles
the social-shaping of technology perspec- for our conceptualization of mobility and
tives developed by Bijker (1995), Law and the consequent design of our research, data
Bijker (1992), and Bijker et al. (1987). In collection, and analysis.
making this point, we acknowledge that Bijker’s (1995) four principles of
there are several active streams of sociotechnical change theory are derived
sociotechnical research/theorizing (see from work in the sociology of technology.
Horton, Davenport, & Wood-Harper, These four principles provide a set of goals
forthcoming). For example, the European for any theory that strives to take a
tradition of sociotechnical theorizing, sociotechnical perspective: the seamless
which we build on here, takes a social Web principle, the principle of change and
shaping of technology (SST) perspective. continuity, the symmetry principle, and the
The SST perspective highlights that the principle of action and structure. The
material characteristics and actions of any seamless Web principle states that any
technology are shaped by the social actions sociotechnical analysis should not a priori
of the designers, the specific uses of that privilege technological or material expla-
technology, and the evolving patterns of use nations ahead of social explanations, and
over time. A second, work-studies tradi- vice versa. The principle of change of con-
tion of sociotechnical theorizing focuses on tinuity argues that sociotechnical analyses
the co-design of work practices and tech- must account for both change and continu-
nologies to support work. This co-design ity, not just one or the other. The symmetry
perspective has been taken up in North principle states that the successful work-
America and evolved in two ways. The ing of a technology must be explained as a
first is a benign neglect of the interaction process, rather than assumed to be the out-
between what is social and technical, lead- come of “superior technology.” The actor
ing to an evocation of the concepts without and structure principle states that
a concomitant analytical activity (see sociotechnical analyses should address both
Scacchi, 2004, for a critical discussion). The the actor-oriented side of social behavior,
second, an SST approach, is more recent with its actor strategies and micro interac-
and reflects social informatics in that the tions, and structure-oriented side of social
efforts are focused on developing specific behavior, with its larger collective and in-
analytic approaches that make explicit as- stitutionalized social processes.
Copyright © 2005, Idea Group Inc. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written
permission of Idea Group Inc. is prohibited.
International Journal of Technology and Human Interaction, 1(3), 1-14, July-September 2005 5
While Bijker’s principles provide a set erage does not cover the geography of the
of ideals for sociotechnical research to U.S., and a service gap in one provider’s
strive for, in practice they illustrate tensions coverage is not alleviated by the coverage
to be managed in the research process. of a second. The major carriers in the U.S.
Given the space limitations, in the analysis have deployed their 3G networks in differ-
to follow we focus on highlighting findings ent ways and at different rates7. Gener-
relative to our concepts and not specifically ally, though, they have focused on deploy-
examining how the four principles guide this ing in areas where that are most populated
work. (cities and suburbs) and most traveled
(along major highways). Costs, reliability,
EVIDENCE FROM A FIELD and coverage vary greatly in all other ar-
eas (Federal Communications Commission,
TRIAL OF POLICING,
2002).
COMPUTING, AND
The focal application was
MOBILITY Pennsylvania’s Justice NETwork (JNET)8,
To explore the sociotechnical per- a secure Web-based portal connecting au-
spective on productivity and the effects on thorized users to a set of 23 federated crimi-
work due in part to pervasive access to nal justice and law enforcement databases
computing resources, we report on a field via a query-based interface. The JNET
study6 of police officers’ uses of an inte- architecture is characterized by four ele-
grated criminal justice system accessed ments. First, and as noted, for the user it
via the public wireless data network from acts as a portal to the criminal-justice-re-
laptops and personal digital assistants lated databases of the Commonwealth of
(PDAs) provided to the participants. PA (and the U.S. Federal government).
Each element of our field trial is dis- The data are owned by the relevant state
cussed below. or Federal agency (e.g., Pennsylvania’s
Mobile access for this trial was done Department of Transportation, or
via a third-generation (3G) data network. PennDOT, maintains driver’s license
In the U.S., 3G networks are rolling out records and a picture database), and JNET
(typically based on population density) and provides query-based access to the driver’s
mirror the cellular phone network in terms license photos. Second, JNET is a secure
of coverage. However, 3G networks use system. Users are carefully vetted before
Internet protocols, packet switching (and, they get access, their use is tied to specific
thus, digital packets), spread-spectrum roles, and these roles grant them varying
transmission (which is inherently more se- levels of access to the range of data avail-
cure than cellular and 2G standards), and able. Further, use is tied to secure connec-
can sustain throughput speeds of up to 150 tivity (enabled through encryption and vir-
kilobits per second. The 3G data networks tual private networks); this requires sev-
in the U.S. are private, and multiple pro- eral forms of identification to be used9.
viders compete directly in each market. Users must also re-authenticate periodically
While wireless coverage is extensive, no during their sessions in order to assure se-
one carrier provides complete coverage of curity during use. Furthermore, re-authen-
the geography of the U.S., and there may tication is required when accessing certain
be gaps in service within covered areas. specific databases through JNET. Until the
Moreover, collectively, all providers’ cov- field trial we report on here, there was no
Copyright © 2005, Idea Group Inc. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written
permission of Idea Group Inc. is prohibited.
6 International Journal of Technology and Human Interaction, 1(3), 1-14, July-September 2005
mobile access: thus, security was done via sidering that almost every square inch of
fixed lines and desktop computers. Third, the average police person’s body is cov-
JNET also provides electronic messaging, ered by some piece of gear. Moreover, the
e-mail, and reporting functions for users. combination of current equipment (includ-
These functions serve as both a common ing communications, weapons, body armor,
message board across all criminal justice etc.) is nearly 25 pounds. This means that
personnel in PA. The e-mail alerts provide the mobile device must often displace
a means for people to keep track of activi- something the officer already carries. We
ties where they have some interests. For return to this discussion later in the article.
example, it is possible for a parole officer
to set up a query on a particular name, so- FIELD TRIAL DESIGN,
cial security number, or case number(s). If
DATA COLLECTION, AND
that name or those numbers come across
ANALYSIS
the message board, she will be alerted and
can more easily follow up on the parolee. The field trial’s design focused atten-
Fourth, JNET has been operational since tion to collecting data on the wireless
early 2000, and it supports thousands of network’s use, device uses, JNET and
queries each month (and use has grown by other applications’ uses, information and
nearly 10% per month since inception) data sharing, changes or alterations to
(JNET, 2004)10. police officers’ work practices (particu-
The third part of the mobile access to larly changes to infield operations), social
JNET is the device being used to provide norms on computing/uses (particularly re-
mobile access to JNET (and to the Internet garding the value and importance of both
more broadly). This device must have a mobile access and JNET), and the officer’s
special 3G modem card and needs to be operational governance (particularly the
mobile. Most police cruisers have an inte- role of dispatch). As we noted at the
grated laptop, making this seemingly a trivial article’s outset, in focusing on criminal jus-
effort (put in the wireless modem card, load tice, we leverage the extensive knowledge
on the security software, and use a of policing and also partially control for in-
browser). However, there were a number dustrial (extra-organizational) factors by
of operational and legal issues that made staying within one work domain.
this a nontrivial effort. For example, many The field trial also served as an inter-
of the laptops are not equipped with space vention: mobile workers11 were provided
to load the modem card. Battery draw on with either a laptop or a personal digital
police cruisers is substantial, and this fur- assistant (PDA)12 and secure access to the
ther limits laptop use (and the 3G modem public 3G network. This was done in two
cards draw substantial power to run the phases for pragmatic reasons. The first
antenna and maintain connectivity). More- phase lasted three months, included five
over, some cruisers’ laptops have other participants, and focused on laptop usage.
software whose security and operational/ The small number allowed us to refine data
licensing requirements precluded additional collection protocols, and ensure that we
applications from being added. could meet the technological demands of
For officers not in a cruiser, the mo- supporting the access, security, and appli-
bile device must be carried on their per- cation use demands of a demanding op-
son. Again, this is not a trivial effort, con- erational environment. The second phase
Copyright © 2005, Idea Group Inc. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written
permission of Idea Group Inc. is prohibited.
International Journal of Technology and Human Interaction, 1(3), 1-14, July-September 2005 7
began directly after the first phase’s minutes. In phase two, we used a more
completion, involved 13 participants, lasted structured, self-administered survey in
three months, and focused on PDA usage. place of some of the open-ended user in-
All five of the participants in the first trial terviews and followed up with a phone dis-
were part of the second trial. This provided cussion. Second, we led focus groups of
us with a subset of users who were en- users following the trials. These were vol-
gaged in mobile access to JNET for six untary, and only two participants did not
months. The two-phase trial’s six-month participate (for schedule reasons). Third,
duration was guided by practical constraints all users completed a one-week time diary
of users’ ability to participate in a trial while of work behavior during the field trial.
doing their normal policing and official du- Fourth, members of the research team did
ties. The number included in the trial was ride-alongs with users. We chose to ride-
constrained by the costs of providing de- along with both police and court officers,
vices, connectivity, and support to the of- and with both supervisors and patrol offic-
ficers. ers. Fifth, we gathered documents during
Participants in both trials were police all interviews, observations, and visits (and
and other criminal justice officers from three did extensive Web and library research to
organizations (one county level and two support the field work). Sixth, we engaged
local level) located within one Pennsylva- in informal weekly interactions (via phone,
nia county. Two incentives were used to e-mail, and in person) with users. Finally,
motivate participants. First, we promised we gathered data about laptop uses, wire-
that all participants could keep the mobile less data transmission, and JNET usage via
device(s) they were given to use (late- unobtrusive means (such browser logs,
model laptops and high-end PDAs, both server logs, and telecom activity logs). Data
equipped with 3G modem cards; and in the from the first six sources were either tran-
case of the PDA, an external sleeve and scribed into digital format or collected at
battery pack to support the modem card). source in digital format. Data from the us-
Second, we made it clear that the partici- age logs came in digital format.
pants’ input would be used to drive the de- Our analysis focused on identifying
sign of JNET for criminal justice uses, par- issues with the 3G network’s connectivity/
ticularly for mobile access. Participants reliability, speed and access, uses of JNET
mentioned that both were important to their (and other sources/applications), informa-
deciding to engage. In addition, we worked tion and data access, and the roles of the
with the department heads and unit police mobile devices. This was done through
chiefs to ensure that officers were given analysis of data drawn from the trouble-
official recognition for engaging in the field ticketing log, analysis of time use (drawn
trial. Participating department heads and from the logs) regarding connection via 3G
unit police chiefs were both enthusiastic and networks, volume of data transfer and time/
supportive. usage of JNET, and through a series of topi-
We used seven forms of data collec- cal analyses of the texts created from the
tion. First, we did pre- and post-interviews six forms of intensive data collection.
(at the beginning and end of each trial peri- Analysis of data regarding informa-
ods) of all users. In phase one these were tion and data sharing, work practices, so-
face-to-face, open-ended, and semi-struc- cial norms, and operational governance fol-
tured interviews that lasted from 60 to 90 lowed traditional qualitative data analysis
Copyright © 2005, Idea Group Inc. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written
permission of Idea Group Inc. is prohibited.
8 International Journal of Technology and Human Interaction, 1(3), 1-14, July-September 2005
approaches (see Miles & Huberman, 1994). low reliability of the network coverage
In particular, we used three techniques: in- made it difficult for officers to access these
terim analysis of the data to guide both fu- applications. The officer had to become
ture data collection and its interpretation, very familiar with coverage patterns (that
explanatory even matrices, and content is, where they could and could not gain
analysis of the transcripts, logs, and field access) and then be able to adjust their
notes. work patterns to accommodate this cover-
age. Second, authentication and security
FINDINGS overhead in access complicated the logon
procedures and caused connection drops.
We present and discuss seven find-
The two factor logon procedures made it
ings. We find that police officer’s uses of
difficult for officers in the field to manage
3G wireless networks is dependent more
both connection and conduct their work.
on coverage and reliability of access than
The design of JNET (which asks for up-
on speed (bandwidth). Certainly, higher
dates on passwords and re-authentication
throughput speeds are better than lower
as different databases are searched) meant
speeds (particularly when transferring
that it was easy for JNET to shut down the
driver’s license photos, as we discuss be-
session unless the officer devoted consid-
low). However, if coverage is not certain,
erable attention to managing the interac-
then officers either forget to access the
tion. This considerable attention to JNET
network, or become frustrated and actively
had to come at the expense of attention to
choose to NOT access the network. More-
other aspects of the officer’s work. In any
over, if an officer takes the time, cognitive
operational event (such as a traffic stop)
energy, and effort to connect, and the ac-
the officer would not make this commit-
cess attempt fails (for any number of rea-
ment.
sons), it appears they quickly cease trying.
Despite this difficulty, officers value
We find that the police officers in our
JNET for its ability to provide them infor-
study do not value laptops as access de-
mation about drivers, particularly the
vices. They do, however, appreciate these
driver’s license photos and drivers’ records.
devices for other activities (such as writ-
On this (and limited evidence of this) alone,
ing up their incident reports and other tasks
officers prized mobile access to JNET and
that did not require them to have wireless
found value in mobility. We did not see any
access). Police officers valued PDAs to
changes in information and data shar-
an even greater degree. Again, these de-
ing for at least two reasons. First, the de-
vices are valued for personal information
sign of JNET for mobile access is to pro-
management and not as connective devices
vide it to officers, and not through police
to the 3G network. We did not attempt to
dispatch. Most all other information and
trial pen-based or tablet computers: we
data sharing, however, goes through police
suspect that these may combine the port-
dispatch (both in a controlled voice-based
ability of a PDA with the power and screen
interaction and via current text-based sys-
size (an important issue for officers) of a
tems that come to the police vehicle’s
laptop.
onboard laptop).
The mobile access to and uses of
We saw little changes to police offic-
JNET and other applications was diffi-
ers’ work practices. Perhaps this is not
cult to assess for two reasons. First, the
surprising — the operational environment
Copyright © 2005, Idea Group Inc. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written
permission of Idea Group Inc. is prohibited.
International Journal of Technology and Human Interaction, 1(3), 1-14, July-September 2005 9
of policing is harsh, and sometimes fatal. particular, the critical social, organizational,
Police train extensively, continually, and and technical roles that the police dispatcher
with great care to develop procedures to plays came clear during this trial. The de-
take an ambiguous situation and make it sign of JNET for individual access does
less so. Changes in operational procedures not work well within police officers’ op-
are, thus, slow to come, painstakingly erational governance. Were JNET to be
thought out, and must be demonstrable im- a dispatch-based access model, however,
provements. If not, police are unlikely to governance and information sharing would
risk their lives. likely change more quickly.
The great enthusiasm and interest on
the uses of computing to improve policing A SOCIOTECHNICAL
seems to be one of the strong social norms
ACTION PERSPECTIVE
that police carry forward (Manning, 2003).
In this section we draw on Bijker’s
However, when confronted with changes
(1995) four principles of sociotechnical
to operational procedures and concerns
change theory to help us reflect on and in-
with the computing system’s reliability, the
terpret these seven findings (see Table 1).
social norms of policing operations such as
Building on this reflection and interpretation,
safety, professionalism, and force projec-
we raise three points: that the sociotechnical
tion overwhelm the potential value of mo-
principles were supported by these findings;
bile access to computing resources that
that simplistic approaches to engaging the
cannot be consistently demonstrated.
sociotechnical nature of mobility may make
The trial of mobile access to JNET
it hard to interpret the results; and that there
and other computing resources amplified
is a dire need for more substantive
the institutional embeddedness of the com-
sociotechnical analysis techniques.
mand and control structures in policing. In
Table 1. Sociotechnical analysis
Findings Principles Comments
Coverage and reliability of Seamless Web Technological features (bandwidth) were
access more important than seen as more central than operational needs
speed/bandwidth of officers (operational reliability).
PDA valued for personal use, Symmetry Take up of the device is a social decision,
not for mobile access shaped by technical characteristics, and
often made for personal needs.
JNET and other applications are Change and continuity The expectation that JNET would be
used when mobile valuable for mobile officers (as it has been
for officers via fixed access) was borne out
in the study.
Officers value information Change and continuity The expectation that information received
drawn from JNET while mobile would be valued was borne
out in the study.
No changes in information and Actor and structure Social and operational structures seemed to
data sharing be resilient to new technologies of access
and use.
No changes to police officer’s Actor and structure Work practices seemed to be resilient to
work practices and social new technologies of access and use.
norms
No changes to work governance Actor and structure Governance structures seemed to be
resilient to new technologies of access and
use.

Copyright © 2005, Idea Group Inc. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written
permission of Idea Group Inc. is prohibited.
10 International Journal of Technology and Human Interaction, 1(3), 1-14, July-September 2005
The premise of this field trial was that state police and information technology
technological factors, such as mobile con- leaders, and faculty. That the resulting trial
nectivity and higher bandwidth, would be underplayed the sociotechnical issues leads
central to taking up mobility. This violates us to theorize that organizational decision
the seamless Web principle. The findings makers, users, and technology evaluators’
suggest that the institutional structures orientation towards problem solving will
which help to govern the work of policing make it attractive to focus on matching
serve as powerful moderators to both tak- technical features with work and organi-
ing up and taking advantage of mobility. It zational needs. In doing this they are not
appears, however, that the technological likely to address the systemic interactions
belief of connection and bandwidth were or to consider extended interdependencies.
privileged, relative to these institutional In essence, this simplification in analysis
structures. It appears from these findings comes at the cost of accuracy in imple-
that moving out access to high-value re- mentation.
sources (from fixed to mobile connection) Sociotechnical approaches, such as
is valued, supporting the principle of change Bijker’s (1995) four principles, appear more
and continuity. However, the structural and likely to be applied in post-hoc analysis.
institutional forces severely constrain ac- They become a comfortable frame for
tion, and the promised performance of the scholars to use. However, they are at best
devices, mobile access, and information a weak analytic structure to base proac-
sharing require more agentic effort than tive action. That is, the principles are use-
police officers have. ful to frame and interpret evidence, but are
Second, we observe that the current difficult to use in guiding specific designs.
professional practice of evaluating new ICT What is missing are the intermediate-level
does not seem to engage sociotechnical guidance linked to specific technologies or
principles. For example, the failure to fully specific social actions. In the absence of
engage sociotechnical principles when de- this intermediate-level guidance, the prin-
signing and trialing mobile access to JNET ciples are difficult to apply proactively.
reflects a naïve view of sociotechnical ac- Building on this, it seems important, if
tion: that social and technical are distinct not imperative, that sociotechnical models
of one another (and that change in one provide more intermediate guidance. By
leads to change in the other). The find- this we mean support for constraints and
ings we note above are not surprising; enablers tied to particular social actions or
current institutional structures in policing that highlight elements of particular tech-
were not considered (or, worse, ignored nologies. This intermediate level of
— as was the case with dispatch) when sociotechnical knowledge is likely to be rep-
designing new work technologies. And, the resented as contingent or localized mod-
technological elements must be considered els. In doing this, such localized models will
on par with social elements — had this help academics and practicing profession-
been more carefully considered, bandwidth als more directly to dominant patterns of
would not have been the focus; it would interactions and consequences, and make
have been reliability. these findings available in ways that more
The field trial design reflects the col- directly influence ICT/systems design and
laboration between wireless service pro- organizational decision making.
viders, device manufacturers, local and Our final observation from this analy-
Copyright © 2005, Idea Group Inc. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written
permission of Idea Group Inc. is prohibited.