The Sociology of Social Problems: Theoretical Perspectives and Methods of Intervention

126 Pages·2008·15.918 MB·English

by  Adam Jamrozik

Adam Jamrozik
and
Luisa Nocella
Sociology
SOCIAL PROBLEMS
I
Theoretical
Perspectives
and Methods of
Intervention
SOCIOLOGY OF SOCIAL
THE
PROBLEMS
Theoretical Perspectives and Methods
of Intervention
..
ADAMJAMROZIK
and
LUISA NOCELLA
PllBUSHED BY THl: THE Ul\IVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE
PRF.SS SYNDICATE OF
The Pitt Building, Trumpington Street, Cambridge, United Kingdom
CM1BlUOGF. PRESS
UNIVERSITY
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Contents
Adamjamrozikand Luisa t\occlla 1998
©
This book is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception
and to the provisions of relevant collective li.-.:ensing agreements,
no reproduction of any pan 1nay tak place without
the wriuen permission of Cambridge 1·u uiversity
Press.
First puhlished 1998
Printed in China by L. Rex Printing Co1npany Ltd.
Typeset in '.\Jew Baskerville 10/12 pt
List f Tables viii
llw o
catalogue for this hook iJ available from British .i&rar_'I List fF igures ix
.4. recor'd J o
Prejar:e and Acknowledgements xi
/Vational Librar_"f of Australia Catalof!:11ing in Public(tlion. data
Jamrozik, Adain. 1 Introduction: Theoretical Perspectives on Social Proble1ns 1
The sociology of social problems: theorc.tical perspectives and Theories of Social Problems 2
nH•tho<ls of intervt!ntiuu.
Bibliography. Theoretical Assumptions of this Book 5
Includes index. Theories and Methods of Intervention 8
ISBN 0 521 59932 6 (pbk.). The Scope of this Book 11
59070
Social probleIrSnKs.N 2 .0 A Z'ul2sltr alia -S1o. dal conditions.
l. I. Nocella, Luisa D. II. Tille. Contemporary Perspectives on Social Problems 17
2 Theoretical Perspectives
ISBN 0 5396017.10 l hardback Social Problems and the Sociology of Social Problems 2321
ISBN 0 5522 1 .59932 6 paperback Postmodcrn Theories 33
l Relevance the Class Concept/Theory 36
of
3 Methods of Intervention in Social Problems 39
Theories and Research
1- UNIVERSITY OF e
-Political-Technica1 (�onversion
NORTHUMBRIA AT NEWCASTLE
) -Truncated Perspectives
'
LIBRARY Theories and Methods of Investigation 45
ITEM Organisational Levels of Intervention 47
No. ClASGNo. -The Political Level 48
-The Administrative Level 49
-The Operative Level 49
The Conversion Process 50
Professional Interventions ai1<l Practice Wisdon1 54
(�lass Perspective and Social Pathology !i8
Solution or Maintenance? !i9
v
4 Social Actors in Social Problems 61 Australian Govcrn1nent Response to the Family 166
61 170
The Importance of Human Agency The Pathologisation of Family Problems
en)
174
Social Actors in Perspectives on Social Problems The Politicisation of Family Problems
-Political Activists and Lobbyists
9 180
-Moral Entrepreneurs The Problem of Social Order
68 183
-Academics and Social Researchers Social Order in a Historical Perspective
71 184
-Newspaper Columnists and Media Com1ncntators Social Order in Contemporary Industrialised Societies
73 186
-The Helping Professions Social Order and Social Control as a Process
76 189
Professional Power and Class Po,ver Social Order and Social C:ontrol Over Time
Social Actors in Postmodern Perspeciives 77 Social Order in a Class Society 191
195
Social Order and Postmodernity
5 <:hallenges of Conte1nporary Social Problems 78 'fhe Helping Professions in Social Control 196
80
Global Challenges
83 10 199
Unemployment The Theory of Residualist Conversion: Does it Meet the Test?
90 204
Degradation of the Environment Managc1ncnt of Human Resources
94 207
Reduction of the Public Sphere Social Problems and Class Theory
97 210
The Demise of the VVclfare State Social Problems and Postmodern Theories
100 212
Postmodcrnisrn, Change and Progress The Focus of the Helping Professions
6 103 11 214
Social Problems in the Residualist Conversion Perspective Conclusions and Implications
105 214
Residualist Conversion of Social Problems 'l'imes of ]'ransition to the Unknown
107 216
The Proble1n of a Multicultural Society The Role of Sociology
114 217
Child Abuse and Neglect The Role of the Helping Professions
Child Care
Organised, State-sponsored (;.ambling 112241 Bibliography 220
Index 230
7 Inequality-The Underlying Universal Issue in Social Problems 128
Inequality in History
Ineql1ality in <:onte1nporary Industrialised Societies 112319
133
Mcasuren1ents of Inequality
133
-Incon1e, Employment and Education
137
-J\.1ultidimensional Measure1nents of Inequality
143
Structural and Institutionalised Inequality
44
Values in Inequality Research I
146
Inequality and the Helping Professions
147
Inequality as a Social Problem
8 150
The Social Construction of Family Problems
151
The Family and Social Change
153
The Family and the State
156
The Family and the Market
58
The Family and Inequality I
164
Competing Discourses on the Family
Vil
Tables Figures
5.1 Labour Force and Employment, Australia 1966-9- 6 88 1.1 Levels of Activity in Methods of Intervention 11
5.2 Employment in Industry Sectors, Australia 1966--96 89 3.1 Methods of Intervention in Social Problems 50
6.1 Australian Population by Country/Region of Birth 1991, 3.2 Comparative Framework for Evaluation of Organisational
52
Australia, Sydney, Adelaide 111 Performance
6.2 Sources of Reports of Child Abuse and Neglect, 5.I Exa1nples of Human and Material Resol1rces -
Australia, 199 3-94 117 Public /Private Sector Configuration 96
6.3 Relationship of the Person Believed to be Responsible 6.1 Theory of Residualist Conversion of Social Problems 108
for the Maltreatment, Substantiated Cases, Australia, 7.1 (�omponents and Typical Indicators in the Swedish
139
1990-91 1993-94 118 Level of I.iving Surveys
6.4 Childrena Unnd der 12 Years: Use of Child Care and Family 9.1 Conceptual Model of Social Order 184
Income, Australia,June 1993 123 9.2 Methods of Regulating Modes of Conduct 188
7.1 Distribution oflncorrie: Couples with Dependent <:hildren, A Typology of the Use of Human Resources in Industrial
Australia, 1973-74 to 1994-95 134 Hl.l Societies 207
7.2 1994-95:
Income Distribution Australia Couples, One-parent
135
Fan1ilies and Individuals
7.3 1996,
Labour Force Status and Educational Attainment, May
15-64 136
Australia: People Years
7.4 1995-96,
Transition from School to Higher Education or Work
15-24 137
Australia: People Years
7.h
(�omparative Socio-economic Data: Selected Local Government
1991 142
Areas, Australia, Census of Population and Housing
8.1 1966 1991 152
Families, Australia, and
8.2 1966-9- 1 153
Marriage, Divorce, Births and Fertility, Australia
8.3 1994-95 160
Weekly Income of Couple Income Units, Australia
8.4 1966--96 176
Y!arried Women in the Labour Force, Australia
viii
ix
Prefa ce and Acknowledgements
Social problems are integral to our daily living. Some social problems
emerge unexpectedly, and disappear equally fast from our concerns.
Other problems acq11ire a perennial quality. l.Tnemployment, poverty,
urban traffic congestion are on our minds and on our television screens.
Social problems are of concern to sociologists, social workers, politicians,
and, at one time or another, to all of us. They are studied, remedied,
sometimes even solved; often they are forgotten because they do not
affect us personally. Nevertheless, social problems are always with us.
This book is the sociology of social problems. examines
ho'"°' social probal�b1onus te merge, who is concerned about thIet m, who is
threatc11ed by them, and how societies atte1npt to solve them, attenuate
them or perhaps ignore them. 'fhis is a theoretical book. The text is
based on a theoretical fran1ework that we have developed to e11able us to
syste1natically analyse social problems as social phenomena that emerge
in society as a form of threat to values and interest<.:; dominant in society
at given time and t11aL lead to methods of intervention designed to
a In
attenuate, control or solve s11ch problems. our theoretical framework,
a social problem is a for111 of a 'negative resid11e' that logically e1nerges
from the everyday pursuit of dominant values and interests. We have
defined our frame'\\o·ork as a 'Theory of residualist conversion of social
problems'.
The types of social problems we examine in this book are problems
that often affect the '\i'hole comrnunity, but through certain methods
of intervention are converted into individuals' problems (usually
individuals and fan1ilies in the lower social strata). Other problems
remain in the public arena and are solved or controlled through political
action such as legislation, allocation of funds or change in policy. Yet
other problems become our constant companions.
xi
'rhis book has been written for sociologists and other professionals
who are concerned with social problems-as researchers, administrators,
and members of the 'helping professions' (such as social workers, CHAPTER
psychologists, counsellors etc.) -who provide services to individuals and I
families experiencing social problems as their personal problems. It
should also be of relevance to anyone who is interested in what happens Introduction: Theoretical Perspectives on
in society. It is not a 'how to' hook, but one that seeks to explain how
Social Problems
social problems en1erge and why. It looks at the social actors concerned
with social problems. It is a theoretical book, but a readable one.
This book is the of three years of research and teaching in
sociology at Adelaifdreu'sit iFolnin ders LTniversity and in social work at the
University of South A11stralia. It has been a joint effort, and although
Adam Ja1nrozik did a bit more of the writing, Luisa Nocella con­
tributed her share through writing, research, and especially the chapter
(
on the f3.mily. Other people have also contributed to this wish
to particularly acknowledge assistance from the AustraclfilaOnr tR. \\leese arch Social problems are an integral part of social life. 'I'he term 'social
(�ouncil's Small Research Grants, which we received in the Department problem' applies to social conditions, processes, societal arrangements
of Sociology at Flinders University, and some additional assistance from or attitudes that are commonly perceived to be undesirable, negative,
the Faculty Research Performance Fund at the School of Social Work and threatening certain values or interests such as social cohesion,
and Social Policy, University of South Australia. For assistance with 1naintenance of la,v and order, moral standards, stability of social
research V-.'C want to thank Gail Smith for her efforts in finding research instit11tions, economic prosperity or individual freedoms. A social prob-
material and contributing helptUI comments. To Ruth Errey go our lem mav also b erienced as a feelin of collective uilt created
x
thanks for editing the 1nanuscript. Jonathan Flynn also edited some through an awareness of collective neglect tg rsrnove or a ev1ate certain
work and provided useful our undesirable social conditions that negatively affect some sections of
appreciation must go to Phsil1l1igpgae sMtico(n;1s1.i nFnineassll, yC, ommsiisnscioenrein thg aEndkitso ar nodf sOc1ety.
the (:ambridge University Press, and her associates Sharon Mullins, tfiis definition of social problems therefore there is no presumed
Rosen1ary Perkins and Jane Farago, as well as Glenys Osborne, the vaIlune - or attitudinal-neutrality in perception, interpreta.tion or inter­
copy-editor. vention. This particular attribute differentiates social phenomena that
are perceived to be social problems frorn other social or physical
ADAMJAMROZIKAND LUISA phenomena or conditions that arc regarded as problems tout court, and
NOCELIA that are perceived perhaps as not quite desirable or pleasant but without
an element of threat. Furthermore, a social proble1n is also a condition
'created' by society that is, potentially at lea5r fea5jbly alleyjated or
solved by society. ()n the other hand, some physical phenomena or
'natural disasters' such as earthquakes, droughts or floods occur beyond
social control, although the knowledge of their probability enables
societies to take preventive or remedial actions. \Vith such physical
phenomena, tl1e knovirledge of the ability to take preventive or rcrnedial
actions but the failure to do so \\lould then be perceived as a social
problem.
common perceptions and usage, the tern1 'social problem' may be
apIpnl ied to phenomena or conditions of non-societal origins such as
those mentioned above. While undesirable, unpleasant or in some way
threatening, these cannot legitimately be called 'social'. To be appro-, fra r entation of society and in the resulting lac of a donlinant. social
priately regarded as social problems, social phenomena or conditions mogdnel or dominant social value to be lowedk The great variety of
.
must therefore have three identifiable minin1um features: first, the con­ postmodern perspectives on contempforoalry society presents a ew
dition must have an identifiable societal grjgin; second, the condition problem in social anal sis, such a variety challen es the ossibilitny of
must eonstitute a threat or be perceived to constitute a threat to certain ob'ective erce tions oyr evasen the existence of henomena t at ma
�s or interestsj and third, the condition rnust be amenable to appro riatel r ferre o as soc1a in nature.
removal or at least attenuation or solution. These three features n1av not critical overview of sociological theories of social problems is
ahvays be immediately and clearly 'visible' in a condition, but can be presented in Chapter 2. With such a variety of theories and perspectives
'
revealed through appropriate sociological analysis. it is relevant to consider which as ects of socie would constitute the
field of study that might be legitimately called the sociology o social
problems. Much sociological analysis is indeed concerned with aspects
Theories of Social Problems in and that
of society that are perceived to be some degree 'problematic'
are
'fhere a number of sociological theories of social proble1ns. are therefore the suqject of concern and research interest. However, the
range from the 'social pathology' perspective that originated iTnh tehsee problematic nature of certain social phenomena may simply mean
19th century fron1 theories fOrmnlated by Francis Gallon, Cesare either that the nature of a phenomenon is not clearly understood or
in
Lornbroso and others, to 'conflict theory' and 'critical theory' derived that it is perceived and explained such a variety of theories or per­
that
from the sociological insights of Karl Marx, and formulated and elab­ spectives it creates confusion and uncertainty.
orated upon by the Frankfurt Institute of Social Research. In between, In contrast, a 'social problem' by definition is a social condjtjgp 1hat
there are other theories and perspectives, such as the 'disorganisatio11 is regarded as in some ways 'undesirable' socjety or by some sections
theory' originated in the Chicago School of Sociology in the 1920s; the of SOCiety. In that jt rr{)re5ept5 by5p 1pe kj d -explicit, latent Or
'anomie theory' of Robert Merton; and a range of social deviance potential. Fron1 a sitnilar pers3p e'tchtriveea,t 't poof , the terpm 'social problem' is
t
theories developed by Howard Becker, John Ki suse Aaron Cicourel commonly used and understood in everyday life. As Merton and Nisbet
the , state,
and others. One of more recent sociological theories is the (1976) the term 'social roblem' · lied to social con i ·
t11eory',
'constructionist whic fOcuses not on social problerns but that is seen
se
on the processes throu w hic soc1a ro ems a e ent1 1ed and on normative aspect present in sn1dies of phenomena perceived in society
the socia actors who identify them (Rubington andr W1 en er A or in some of iL"i sections as 'social problems' is therefore important for
number of constructionist theories were for ulatedi bby gA ln9e9r5i)c.a n sociologist to consider, more so than in studies of phenomena Vl'here
sociologists in the 1960s and early 1970s, at a timme when issues of social tah 'et hreat' is not present in the problem Nevertheless, because of the
the .
order and social cohesion in lJnited States became a 1natt.er of grave normative subjectivity i11 perceptions of what constitutes a social prob­
t that
concern. Most theories of social roblems a tim cor ·ernt:d le1n, it needs to be emphasised that studies of the sociology of social
i an entirely
with roblems more a · of , al problems do not constitute discrete category of sociological
roblerns studies
. nature,
Social problems, due to their very can be adequately ex­
h
plained only in t context of society in which they occur.
e
is not falwaysrom clear. l'hc constructionist thietos rists. howryur nhjft5s the Further · lthougl1 sorne sociat he (e.g. violence in public
focus the 'deyiant population' and ' r lem proplc p aces ma be ex erience b the whole o ulat.ion of a society, ot s
wl10 1na<le claims about certain phenomena aps ob bles' •p' tahned the (e.g. unemployment among young people) may be experience only_Qy
' 1 .
activities these people engaged to make th piro nu to by certain individuals or social groupings �'ith similar characteristics. Mo�
society (Spector and Kitsuse 1987jp), er clain1a ;111r1urd social problems do not occur in, or are not ex erienced in th
--Ntl1ough rnore recent analyses of society lh« pt•rsp<'('livc fre uenc t rou hout en re socials e. In Western
c
the postmodern era, such as the studies by frgomn1 (I !)Ho2f, industrialised societies, such pro e1ns as poverty, unemployment,
1995), do not focus specjQcally on social Zy unt lku1111;111 violence, child abuse and so on are social phenomena that occur with
identify sources of social problems in the stprurcotbulrt•a1l1 1s a.ii jsculrrohl.u gtihreayl great.er or lesser frequency arnong certain population strata identified
auil
bys ocicahla ractesruicashst i inccso meed,� catoicocnu,p aatnido n
othra ttriobfus toeclsic laTshse.n atuarnedf requeonfcc eyr tain
� �
sociraolb leamlssd oi ffaemro npgo pulagtrioounp mgs identified
bys ucaht tribas�a tgeees,t hn1rce1i tgy1,oo nrg, e ogriaclp o cality.
Therreefw,oh ilheec ausoefss o ciparlo bleexmpse riebnysc oemde
�
_
populaguroonu pirnagtsht ehrao nt hecrasnb ee xplaibnyse odc ietal
arran�gnet.imsnt ��ei stribouf�ot ciioenrt easlo urtchpeees op,l ew ho
aree sociraolb lewmistg hr eaftreerq ueonric nyt ens1
thaon tob e crce1avse r oe mp ou a usc hs. h ifts
.
o pereponsf,r otmh seo cniaat uor et p reoe nt1ot peo p1llation
: �
exper1etnhcep1rnogb ldeims,t raatctte nftrioosmno cieatrarla nge-
.
111eanntdes f fectciovnefilraymn dv alidtahtele e gitiomfta hceys e probl"'e·mistl,el nt ob ep erceiiynetde.r parnedat cetdue pdo fnr om
arrangent1heuvnsaL l"ii,d aag tiivnegn sociaanldi tsssty rsutceotmfu re tfi1pse rspe.cA tgiaviienfa, c ertsaoicnic aoln ditsiuocanhs c hronic
.
poweInr effebcetc,a ussoec iparlob lteemnstd ob em orfer equently poveorrtu y� en1ploiysbm eelnitet vobe eda m anifesotfa' tfiloanv,.' ed'
exp�eenr�cd int he' lowseorc'.ic allasosfte hsep op11ltahteiayor ne, personaolrci htaireasc otfte hrpese opelxep erietnhcceio nngd ition,
perceiinvc eldas s Htoewremvsie.ntr h,a pte rceptthiceol nas stsr ucture theinr 1terviennettihwooindl pslr edicbteaa bilmyea dt' correcting
ofs ociiesct oyn �ac�ld heca1t1hsepe r obleamrsee xplaibnyte hde thfel aw'.
pern_saoclh a�rtae�rt1l�c,r eaolri mputoefdt ,h aef fecptoepdu lation, As stateeadr lsioecrpi,ra olh laermseso cpihacln ont1heanttah reaten,
�ndh ttle atIS tgievnettnoit ohnper oblesmtsr'u ccthuarraalTc htiesr . ora rsee etnot hreatthevena ,l uaensdd on1iinnatnetr oefas s tosc ietv.
isn otsu rpriassmi uncghr, e seaorncs ho ciparlo bliescm asr roiuetd \'alau1e1isdn teraermseot ssct l earrelvye a"'l'ehtdeh ne ayrt eh reater1ed;
in.a 't�rcuatepde rspecbteiivnfego' c,u soendt hep opulatiino ns ora,sM artRieni hna so intoeudt' co sourocfeo sw earn d
�ivnht1.ecs nhosac,i cip taary�plol-teaimuvasder i eeex onpfcse eor'cir ieweanislcte gehard re cahtfeerrsestq. u eanncdy pIrtie tsse etrc oieor rietrn to1t lhce sef t ourvvodehfsy e o tncl pi1raeolib rl teihmstoass hsto ri cetiaiotocl(ena1o9n an7g6e c:y3dh7 )'i. eve
Fotrh erseea somnossc,tu rrenrtelv aitlhieno roifse osc iraolb ­ its g examintihnekg i nodf
lemso �ota egJJaterxJyp latihne sper oe mss ocinaalt uarned r
. pheenato protnteneuv.:tin ahla ia sc saho s cociiaelr tseciieaneoccesrtf. eByec lo mpeltlore eda octrd, o
�ausauhvn�se.C onsequewnhteltnyh ,et shee orairoeesp era-tionalised norte aacntdd on ofte eclo mpeltlore eda tchtse,o ciemtaineista'Cs s t
in.1 n�rtvenu.moent hotdhse,dy o n ota chietvheem anifessttaltye d \\lealsul n derlvyailnuagen sdd ominianntte raersrcte sv ealed.
0�1ecttihvaietsts ,-h edyon osto lavp reo bltehmai tis n trinssoicciaalll y
becautsheed on oatd drtehses soouftr hceer ohleRma.t htehre,
methoudsse rde irnc£eb elitehfastt h ep robliesrm e latet e Theoretical Assumptions of thiBoso k
characteorfti hseat fifcesc ptopeudl atiuornte. r more, boefc ause Int hibso owke c xa1ntihneee x istsioncgi olotghiecoarolifs e osc ial
thtee ndelnoctryh eoroifse osc iparlo blet1onp se rcesiovceip arlob ­ problaenndt1 hse pnr esaet nhte otrhyad tr aov.nrt sh etshee ories lvhile
lemasst hoosfe' devioar'n ptr'o blpeorpnu'l attihoienn st,e rvention
beinggr oundiened m piroibcsaelr vaotfsi oocnipsar lo blienmc so n­
methobdass eodns ucthh eorbieecso 1anp ea rotfe xperience-based te1npoirnadruys Lrsioacliiesteidte hsi.no ku rt heoardye q11at.ely
knowleodrg' ep,r acwtiiscdeo amn'da, c itn oarsem ethoodfss o cial reflaencdte sx platihnnesa tuorfV\Tese o cial pirnoc bolnetmes1 nporary
conttrlo1la mne thoodfps r oblseo1l1v1Pi rnagc.t ice wisdom becomes
ak inodf' tash eaocrqyu'i brype edo pwlheo stea sitkso i nterivnse oncei al stohbceo ioei!kthts ieh me atasthi.ts en ho e-coaraleatltsheisodcputl ami lcou oninn cddapeiilrtnt inhgoiaat nntrhsc aee on mamloiIy nns is
problaetmt s�h p �ov�b�ia'lc oal-Hfearcete,h' es. o lutmiaoybn e a t refertroae ssd o ciraolb l-esmusc ahs o verutn,e ron· 111feannt1,i ly
besat r emediyn1 nd1VIdcuaaslte usp robltehmast eaxrpee rienced
dislocatisooon n aenrdn •eerl o •ifcraol1slnov c ietallv
repeataestd hl'eyp ripvraotbel eomfts h'ae f fecptoepdu laTthieosne. dorinnavnatl uienst,e raensdct osr respognodsai. n egs te; nwelcome
problaermtesh epne rceivbeedi rnegl attote hdce h aracteorfi stics negatciovned itcioonnsst ai1 truetse1 odftu heo 1s1e1 ainstream activities
thapto pulantoiatos sn o,c ias al ptrhoaabtrlt eeh 1oenu st coomfem su ch
direcattte hdpe u rsoufis tu cdho n1invaanltui enst,e raensdct osr res­
widseorc iaertraaln gernent"i.
pondignoga lIsno. t h\e•rv osrodcsip,ar lo bldeomn so ta rissome u ch
from the disjunction between societal goals and institutionalised means and methods of intervention designed to arneliorate or control such
prOVIUEU ihe1r fulhlment, as Merton (1957 ha·· d however social problems do not take the new situations into account the
i n 161 is 1�1unc on nng t be), hut from the pursuit of the become ineffective or even irre evant. Thus, tOr example, due mainly (if
dominant. values per The proble1ns constitute a normal by-product, not exclusively) to changes 1n h!ildic and technology of econon1ic
se.
Die
a eS1dUe, these purs111ts. In this kind of dialectical relationship, 'each production, the nature of unemployment in ;\ustralia and throughout
siIlv er linin61g creates a cloud'. the industrialised world has significantly altered in recent decades,
·rhc system of goal pursuit has, as it "\-\'ere, a built-in failure rate, and becoming increasingly entrenched in certain sections of the popula­
the extent or negative intensity of failure tends to be directly related to tion. Yet perceptions of unemploy1nent and corresponding remedial
the value and difficulties attached to the attainment of the pursued g·oal. measures have remained largely unaltered. Indeed, the prevailing
Paradoxica11y, a higher rate and intensity of failure enhances the value recommendations for solutions are seen in the time-honoured search
of the pursued goal. For example, the value of a position in an for greater productivity, an increase in the gross domestic product,
organisational hierarchy is enhanced by the numher of people applying lovver "\\-Tages (for workers but not for managers), freedom of employers
for tl1e position, all applicants except one necessarily failing in the pro­ to hire, retrench or dismiss statl, reduction of services provided by the
cess. Similarly, persistence in pursuing certain goals that are prornoted public sector, and greater international co1npetitiveness. None of these
as universa11y desirable leads to directly related fai1ure:o;. Pursuing "\\l'ealth n1easures appears to be achieving the desired results, and entrenched
through business activities or through gan1bling is a notable example of unemployment has therefore beco1nc a 'norrnal', pcrn1anent state of
such activities. IL follo\vs, then, that the solution or attenuation of any affairs tl1at is seen1ingly beyond solution.
such problems would have to entail interference in, or modification or Like all social phenomena, social problems are 'sgcjal constructs' -
abandonment of, the pursuit of certain goals. that is, they are social conditions, activities, attitudes and so on that at
In other �'ords. tl1e solutions of social problems are to be fou11d in sorne stage n1ay be perceived as 'problems' 1 although ffi , mjghr h�e
�
chan ng the structural arrange1nents of socjr!Y· It may therefore be ex­ existed in societv for some time J.yithout being seen in this "\\l'av. The
pecle that such solutions �'ould not be "\Velco1ned b 'society's dominant chan e in er . · , i nities a change in values, attitudes or in�
intere�For this reason, soc1a pro n to e exp a1ne ei er in or ne\ov knowl ed re and a\'\·areness o area or potential threat. Changes
terrns of external causes (anrl therefore beyond the society's control), in attitudes to\v·ards air pollution ca11se y petrol fumes, towards
or as related to the behavioural or personality characteristics of the ecology, towards the treatment of children, and towards racist vie\'\'S are
affected population, with solutions then sou ht in changing that sorne exarnples of such changes in perceptions.
population's attitudes and behaviour. At best, the sou 10 sometimes On the other hand, certain phenomena that nlight be perceived
sought in marginal adjustments of the existing arrange1nents 'on the initially as social problems but that acquire a so1nelivhat 'pern1anent'
periphery', "\vhich might provide certain flexibility in those arrange- character may also acquire the character of 'normalcy' and so obtain
1nents and perhaps a marginal attenuation in the frequency or intensity acceptance by society. Paradoxically, this change in attitude may be
of the problcrn, and thus demonstrates and even reinforces the assisted hy, and he an outcome ot� the methods of intervention initially
legitimacy and success of the system and its structure of power. applied to control, attenuate, or solve the perceived proble1n. For
Being a direct out.come of the pursuit of cherished goals that are example, single parenthood was initial1v erceived as a social roblem,
striven for through a variety ofinstit11tional means, social problerns tend but later acquire a degree of legitirnacv through public income­
to acquire an intergenerational continuity. Social reproduction of Supop rt measures. In 1\ustralia, such support n1easures J.vere at first
'
values, interests and organisational structures therefore also entails a provided as a supporting mother's benefit' designed to al1eviat.e the ex­
reproduction of social problems. This is particularly evident in problen1s tre1nes ofpovLrty in such situations; this has no\Y beco1ne a 'sole parent
emanating from the operation of social institutions concerned with the pension', thus changing the formal quality of the support and also
allocation of society's resources and of those concerned with education, changing the social status of the recipients towards a degree of legit­
socialisation, n1aintcnancc of social order, the labour market and imacy. Another example of a socially significant change has occurred in
industrial relations. At the san1e tirne, as the form or even the nature of the perception of organised gambling. Historically, ,\ustralian society
activities performed by these institutions changes, this leads to new has heen perceived a society of gamblers but, except for the past two
situations, outcomes, and corresponding social problems. If the n1eans or three decades, oasrg anised gan1bling (however sn1all-scale, such as