The Social Value of Drug Addicts Merrill Singer and J. Bryan Page The SOCIAL VALUE of DRUG ADDICTS uses of the useless Walnut Creek California Left Coast Press, Inc. 1630 North Main Street, #400 Walnut Creek, CA 94596 www.LCoastPress.com Copyright © 2014 by Left Coast Press, Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. ISBN 978-1-61132-117-3 hardback ISBN 978-1-61132-118-0 paperback ISBN 978-1-61132-119-7 institutional eBook ISBN 978-1-61132-751-9 consumer eBook Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Singer, Merrill. The social value of drug addicts : uses of the useless / Merrill Singer, J Bryan Page. pages cm Summary: “Drug users are typically portrayed as worthless slackers, burdens on society, and just plain useless—culturally, morally, and economically. By contrast, this book argues that the social construction of some people as useless is in fact extremely useful to other people. Leading medical anthropologists Merrill Singer and J. Bryan Page analyze media representations, drug policy, and underlying social structures to show what industries and so- cial sectors benefit from the criminalization, demonization, and even popular glamorization of addicts. Synthesizing a broad range of key literature and advancing innovative arguments about the social construction of drug users and their role in contemporary society, this book is an important contribution to public health, medical anthropology, popular culture, and related fields”—Provided by publisher. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-61132-117-3 (hardback) ISBN 978-1-61132-118-0 (paperback) ISBN 978-1-61132-119-7 (institutional ebook) ISBN 978-1-61132-751-9 (consumer eBook) 1. Drug addicts. 2. Social values. 3. Drug abuse—Social aspects. I. Page, J. Bryan, 1947– II. Title. HV5801.S48 2013 305.9ˇ084—dc23 2013029130 Printed in the United States of America ∞ ™ The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI/NISO Z39.48–1992. Cover design by Martin Hoyem Cover image: World Health Organization photo by C. Blackwell. Images from the History of Medicine, National Library of Medicine, PP044736 WHO box 3, Record 101437129. COnTEnTS Introduction 7 ChApTER OnE Drugs, Race, and Gender in the Social Construction of Drug Consumers: Recognizing the Origins of Othering 25 ChApTER TwO Drug Users through the Ages: When Did We Decide Addicts Were a Separate Category? 53 ChApTER ThREE Representations of Addicts and the Construction of Prohibitions 71 ChApTER FOUR Imagine That: Drug Users and Literature 88 ChApTER FIVE Picture This: Pictorial Construction of Drug Users in the World of Film 121 ChApTER SIx The Legal Construction of Drug Users: Policy, the Courts, Incarcerating Institutions, Police Practice, and the War on Drugs 153 ChApTER SEVEn Drug Users in Social Science: The Others We’ve Made 181 COnCLUSIOn From the Making and Using of the Useless to Social Integration 205 References 219 Index 243 About the Authors 247 7 InTRODUCTIOn Casual drug users should be taken out and shot. Daryl Gates, former police chief, LAPD, (quoted in Ostrow: 1990) By World War I the American addict was identified as a social men- ace and equated with the IWWs [Industrial Workers of the World], Bosheviks, anarchists, and other fear subgroups David Musto, psychiatrist and drug historian, 1987 The fact that these really are the excess people in America, we—our economy doesn’t need them. . . . We pretend that we’re actually in- cluding them in the American ideal, but we’re not. And they’re not foolish. They get it. David Simon, producer of The Wire, 2008 T his book explores a prevailing and consequential contradiction of modernity. In diverse and interconnected arenas, from everyday popular discourse, to multiple sectors of the mass media and culture industries, to government pronouncements and reports, and to legislative exchange and court rulings, drug users routinely are portrayed as worthless slackers, evil doers, and lurking threats to the quality of life if not to the very survival of civil society—in short, as outcast Social Others with no positive value or useful contribution to society, the human rubbish of contemporary social life (Friedman 1998). As Taylor (2008:382) stresses [T]he news media and criminal justice policy seemingly mirror each other’s beliefs. Indeed the reinforcement and belief in stereotypes and “outsiders” seems to be part of what appears to be a mutually beneficial partnership. “Drug stories (embellished with commonplace mythology) help sell pa- pers.” . . . Especially drug stories which maintain and reinforce dominant and stereotypical images of drugs, drug users and drug-related crime. Drug users are, it would seem, as David Simon brands them, excess people in America, a group of individuals that comprise a hollow surplus in our economy and a despised burden on society. But are drug users as socially worthless as they are portrayed? The Social Value of Drug Addicts: The Uses of the Useless, by Merrill Singer and J. Bryan Page, 7–24. © 2014 Left Coast Press, Inc. All rights reserved. 8 ❋ introduction Unpacking dominant ideologies about drug users in contemporary society, assessing the actual social roles of drug users, and questioning the social utility of depicting drug users as valueless (in both senses, as having no social worth and as lacking values) are the goals of this book. This volume seeks to address four interrelated questions, the first three of which are: (1) What are the reigning images of drug users in the modern world across as- sorted social domains and in the popular imaginary? (2) Are these portraits objective representations of drug users as they live their day-to-day lives, seemingly physically in but not culturally a part of society? and (3) How do we account for discrepancies between image and actual, between what anthropologists traditionally called the ideal (how we think social things should be) and the real (how social things actually are). Ultimately, answer- ing these questions raises a fourth unifying query: What are the uses of the useless? Put differently, why (and to whom) is it useful to have some people defined as socially devoid of value? Although the answers to the first three of these questions are presented in this and the chapters that follow, the last question is addressed in the conclusion. TExTUAL COnSTRUCTIOn OF OUTSIDERS Exemplary of the outcast motif are government-funded renderings of drug users and their adverse impact on the nation. In a speech given at the Heri- tage Foundation (Hutchinson 2002), the director of the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) stated Drug abusers become slaves to their habits. They are no longer able to contribute to the community. They do not have healthy relationships with their families. They are no longer able to use their full potential to create ideas or to energetically contribute to society, which is the genius of democracy. They are weakened by the mind-numbing effects of drugs. The entire soul of our society is weakened and our democracy is diminished by drug use. Added Thomas Harrington (2011), while Assistant Administrator and Chief of Operations of the DEA, “[d]rug trafficking and abuse exact a significant toll on the American public. More than 38,000 Americans—or approximately 12 times the number of people killed by terrorists on September 11, 2001—died in 2007 as a direct result of the use of illicit drugs.” Further, the DEA stresses, in addition to the many health and social problems experienced by drug users themselves, those who suffer at their hands include their introduction ❋ 9 families, the medical system, the environment. Innocent kids, caught in the crossfire. Drivers killed or injured by those under the influence. Babies found at meth labs, their toys covered with chemicals. Victims of terrorists, whose acts are financed with drug profits. . . . Direct costs include those for drug treatment, health care, costs of goods and ser- vices lost to crime, law enforcement, incarceration, and the judicial system fees. Indirect costs are those due to the loss of productivity from death, human suffering, drug abuse-related illnesses, victims of crime (Benavidez 2013:20) In fact, if alcohol and tobacco were included as drugs in the calculation cited above, rather than just those drugs that have come to be banned in the United States, the actual figure in this emotionally charged statement would be 184 times greater than the number of those who died on September 11 (Mokdad et al. 2004) and the list of “other victims” would be even longer (e.g., cancer patients, those who suffer from diseases due to exposure to second- hand smoke, victims of fires sparked by cigarettes). As this carefully wrought distinction suggests, a critical aspect of constructing drug users as Others involves labeling; in this highly political activity some users of psychotropic drugs are included and denigrated as dangerous outsiders while others are excluded and protected from such representation (Becker 1963). Othering processes are embedded in and propelled by language. As Haig Bosmajian notes in his book The Language of Oppression (1983:6), “While names, words and language can be and are used to inspire us, to motivate us to humane acts, to liberate us, they can also be used to dehumanize human beings and to ‘justify’ their suppression and even their extermination.” Thus, with reference to the demonization of Jews, he notes that the Nazis’ “persistent portrayal of the Jews as ‘vermin,’ ‘bacilli,’ ‘parasites,’ and ‘disease’ contrib- uted to the ‘Final Solution’” (Bosmajian 1983:8). The words and metaphors used to create distinction were referred to by Bosmajian as the “language of oppression.” This is the language that characterizes much of the popular discourse on drug users. Although written over 50 years ago, Howard Becker’s (1953, 1955) early studies of marihuana use and his larger examination of marihuana users and musicians, entitled Outsiders: Studies in the Sociology of Deviance (Becker1963), remain highly relevant to efforts to understand linguistic processes of social labeling. According to Becker, deviance is not a quality of individuals, it is a product of social decisions. Deviance is not, in other words, an activity engaged in by terrible individuals but rather the outcome
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