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The Rise of the Creative Class, Revisited PDF

513 Pages·2012·2.008 MB·English
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1 0 T H A N N I V E R S A RY E D I T I O N T H E R I S E O F T HE C R E AT I V E C L A S S R e v i s i t e d R I C H A R D F L O R I DA THE RISE OF THE CREATIVE CLASS, REVISITED T H E R I S E O F T H E C R E A T I V E C L A S S , REVISITED RICHARD FLORIDA A Member of the Perseus Books Group New York Copyright © 2011, 2012 by Richard Florida Published in 2012 by Basic Books, A Member of the Perseus Books Group Previous edition published in 2002 by Basic Books All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this book may be reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written permission except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical articles and reviews. For information, address Basic Books, 387 Park Avenue South, New York, New York 10016-8810. Books published by Basic Books are available at special discounts for bulk purchases in the United States by corporations, institutions, and other organizations. For more information, please contact the Special Markets Department at the Perseus Books Group, 2300 Chestnut Street, Suite 200, Philadelphia, PA 19103, or call (800) 810-4145, ext. 5000, or e-mail [email protected]. Designed by Pauline Brown Typeset in 12 point Minion Pro by the Perseus Books Group Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data are available for this book. LCCN 2012936719 ISBN (hardcover): 978-0-465-02993-8 ISBN (e-book): 978-0-465-02995-2 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 CONTENTS Preface toThe Rise of the Creative Class, Revisited vii Preface to the Original Edition xxi INTRODUCTION 1: The Transformation of Everyday Life 1 PART ONE: THE CREATIVE AGE 2: The Creative Economy 15 3: The Creative Class 35 PART TWO: WORK 4: The Machine Shop and the Hair Salon 65 5: Brave New Workplace 84 6: No-Collar 100 PART THREE: LIFE 7: Time Warp 125 8: The Experiential Life 133 9: The Big Morph 157 v vi CONTENTS PART FOUR: COMMUNITY 10: Place Matters 183 11: The Geography of Class 203 12: The 3T’s of Economic Development 228 13: Global Reach 266 14: Quality of Place 280 15: Building the Creative Community 304 PART FIVE: CONTRADICTIONS 16: The Geography of Inequality 353 17: The Inclining Significance of Class 366 CONCLUSION 18: Every Single Human Being Is Creative 383 Appendix 401 Notes 437 Acknowledgments 467 Index 469 PREFACE TO THE RISE OF THE CREATIVE CLASS, REVISITED This book was—and is—my attempt to explain the key underlying forces that have been transforming our economy and culture over the past several decades. When I first started writing it in late 1999 and early 2000, I was struck by how much attention was being paid to surface-level changes; I wanted to focus on the long-lasting and truly tectonic forces that were altering the way we work and live. Our world, it seemed to me, was changing as dramatically as it had since the early days of the Industrial Revolution. It wasn’t just the Internet, or the rise of new technologies, or even globalization that were upending our jobs, lives, and communities, though all those things were important. Beneath the surface, unnoticed by many, an even deeper force was at work—the rise of creativity as a fun- damental economic driver, and the rise of a new social class, the Creative Class. Spanning science and technology, arts, media, and culture, tra- ditional knowledge workers, and the professions, this new class made up nearly one-third of the workforce across the United States and considerably more than that in many individual communities. The rise of this new class and of creativity as an economic force were the underlying factors powering so many of the seemingly unrelated and epiphenomenal trends we had been witnessing, from vii viii PREFACE TO THE RISE OF THE CREATIVE CLASS, REVISITED the ascent of new industries and businesses, to changes in the way we live and work, extending even into the rhythms, patterns, de- sires, and expectations that structure our daily lives. In the decade since this book first appeared, a whole series of world-shattering events occurred—from the collapse of the tech bubble and 9/11, to the economic and financial meltdown of2008— any one of which might have been sufficient to derail or reverse the trends it described. Instead, they have only become more deeply en- sconced. By late 2011, the social media site LinkedIn reported1that the word most used by its members to describe themselves was— you guessed it—“creative.” As TechCrunchput it: “In a time of high unemployment, when traditional skills can be outsourced or auto- mated, creative skills remain highly sought after and highly valuable. We all want to be part of the Creative Class of programmers, de- signers, and information workers. The term used to mean artists and writers. Today, it means job stability.”2At a time when the US unemployment rate topped 10 percent, the rate of unemployment for the Creative Class did not even hit 5 percent. The Creative Class has become truly global, numbering between one-third to nearly one-half of the workforce in the advanced nations of North America, Europe, Asia, and around the world. I could go on. But so many of the things that seemed shockingly new and outlandish when I first wrote about them—and that sent my critics into such a lather—are now seen as the norm. My ideas that the talented were beginning to favor cities over suburbs, that urban centers were challenging suburban industrial park nerdi - stans as locations for talent and high-tech industry, that older cities were starting to regain some of the ground they’d lost to Sun Belt boomtowns—were widely derided as ludicrous when I first began to write about them. Ten years later, they aren’t even controversial. A decade ago, many critics dismissed as a precious affectation my notion that a vibrant music scene can be a signal that a location has PREFACE TO THE RISE OF THE CREATIVE CLASS, REVISITED ix the underlying preconditions associated with technological innova- tion and economic growth. What possible pertinence, they sniffed, could such rarified matters have for economic development? I caught a lot of flak for proposing that diversity—an openness to all kinds of people, no matter their gender, race, nationality, sex- ual orientation, or just plain geekiness—was not a private virtue but an economic necessity. I earned a certain measure of notoriety for suggesting that a visible gay presence in a city can be seen as a leading indicator for rising housing values and high tech. Some were outraged at the very suggestion and accused me of everything from putting the proverbial cart before the horse to trying to un- dermine the conventional family, even Judeo-Christian civilization as we have come to know it. Popular opinion now favors gay mar- riage, and a growing body of research notes the connection between diversity, innovation, and economic growth. Rereading all the pages I wrote back then about the disappear- ance of dress codes and the advent of flexible hours, the respect for diversity and the meritocratic values that creative people bring to the workplace and society, I find myself wondering what all of the fuss was about. All of those things are taken for granted, they’re so much a part of the cultural moment that it’s easy to forget how new and daring they once seemed—and how many pundits were ready to stake their reputations on the certainty that they were only passing trends, that after the next dip in the NASDAQ, people would get their suits out of mothballs and return to business as usual. I was accused of confusing chickens and eggs when I said that the secret to building better, more vibrant locations was not just attracting companies with handouts and tax breaks, but rather building a “people climate” that could attract the diverse human talents that drive true prosperity. I was roundly derided when I cri- tiqued the conventional menu of downtown renewal through sta- dium complexes and generic retail districts and malls and countered

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