The Psychology of Religious Fundamentalism

255 Pages·2005·1.11 MB·English

by  Jr.

THE PSYCHOLOGY OF RELIGIOUS FUNDAMENTALISM

The Psychology
of Religious Fundamentalism
RALPH W. HOOD, JR.
PETER C. HILL
W. PAUL WILLIAMSON
THE GUILFORD PRESS
New York London
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LibraryofCongressCataloging-in-PublicationData
Hood,RalphW.
Thepsychologyofreligiousfundamentalism/RalphW.Hood,Jr.,Peter
C.Hill,W.PaulWilliamson.—1sted.
p. cm.
Includesbibliographicalreferencesandindex.
ISBN1-59385-150-2(hardcover)
1. Religiousfundamentalism—Psychology. I.Hill,PeterC.,1953–II.
Williamson,W.Paul(WilliamPaul)III.Title.
BL238.H662005
200′.1′9—dc22
2004030394
AAbboouutt tthhee AAuutthhoorrss
About the Authors
RalphW.Hood,Jr.,wasraisedintheUnityfaithforthefirst12yearsof
his life. Since then, he has not identified with any religious tradition.
AfterearninghisPhDinacombinedsociologyandpsychologyprogram
at the University of Nevada–Reno, Dr. Hood began to explore religious
experience,heavilyinfluencedbyreadingWilliamJames.Hehasalways
taughtatasecularstateuniversity.Whilenotidentifiedwithanychurch,
heiscommittedtothebeliefthatreligiousclaimshaveontologicalimpli-
cations.Theypurporttobeaboutwhatisrealand,assuch,allowoneto
experiencetheworldinwaysthatpsychologycanexplorebutnotneces-
sarily explain. Although not a fundamentalist, Dr. Hood believes that
fundamentalist religion has been poorly portrayed in the psychology of
religionbyresearchersandscholarswhoaresodistantfromtheassump-
tions and worldview of fundamentalists that they offer explanations for
a phenomenon they have not adequately or fairly described.
PeterC.Hillwasraisedanevangelicalinafamilystronglycommittedto
the church. He considered ministry as a career option until he took a
general psychology course, where his interest in social psychology was
kindled. He earned his PhD in social psychology at the University of
Houston and has spent much of his professional career applying social
psychologytothestudyofreligiousexperience.Dr.Hillisalsotheeditor
oftheJournalofPsychologyandChristianity,whichwelcomes“theoret-
ical and research articles [that] have a bearing on the relationship
between psychology and Christian faith, including the interface of psy-
chologywiththeologyandthepsychologyofreligion.”Heiscurrentlya
professor of psychology at Biola University’s Rosemead School of Psy-
chology.BiolaUniversityplayedasignificantroleintheearlydaysofthe
Protestant fundamentalist movement and today identifies itself as an
v
vi AbouttheAuthors
“interdenominational and yet theologically conservative” institution.
The Rosemead School of Psychology seeks to advance a psychologically
and Christian theologically integrated understanding of human nature.
As one who works at an institution where an intratextual model is held
bysome,Dr.Hillhasacquiredaninsider’sunderstandingofboththein-
sights and limits of a fundamentalist perspective.
W.PaulWilliamsonwasbornthesonofaChurchofGod(ofProphecy)
(COG[OP]) minister in Sewanee, Tennessee. At age 23, he followed in
hisfather’sfootstepsandbecameanordainedministerinthedenomina-
tion, serving 17 years of full-time ministry in various capacities, includ-
ing Tennessee State Youth Director, pastor, senior pastor, and district
bishop. Becoming increasingly interested in psychology as a profession,
he earned an MEd in community counseling from the University of
Tennessee–Chattanooga and a PhD in experimental/social psychology
fromtheUniversityofTennessee–Knoxville.Duringhisdoctoralstudies,
hefelttheneedtoresignfromtheclergyandfromhisaffiliationwiththe
church. After completing his education, Dr. Williamson taught psychol-
ogyfor3yearsatSterlingCollege,aconservativePresbyterian-affiliated
school in central Kansas. Desiring to continue his academic career in a
secular institution, he left Sterling College to accept a faculty appoint-
mentatHendersonStateUniversityinArkadelphia,Arkansas,wherehe
is presently an assistant professor of psychology. Dr. Williamson draws
uponawealthofexperienceinaPentecostaltradition,bothasaformer
member and as clergy, allowing him unique insights into its fundamen-
talist worldview.
CCoonntteennttss
Contents
Introduction 1
1 Fundamentalist Religion as an Intratextual Search for Meaning 11
2 Fundamentalism as a Meaning System 30
3 The History of Protestant Fundamentalism 47
4 Fundamentalism in a Pentecostal Denomination: 84
The Church of God (of Prophecy)
5 Fundamentalism among Religious Serpent-Handling Sects 115
6 Fundamentalism among the Amish 133
7 Fundamentalist Islam 155
8 Intratextuality, Stereotyping, and Quasi-Fundamentalisms 183
Epilogue 211
Notes 215
References 225
Index 239
vii

TInhtreo Pdsuyccthioonlogy of Religious Fundamentalism
Introduction
Fundamentalism is Luther’s Biblicalism in a new phase.
—BARZUN(2000,p.10)
I
ntheintroductiontohisexcellentbook,JoelCarpenter(1997)
carefullydistinguishesbetweenbroadandnarrowdefinitionsof“funda-
mentalism.” A narrow definition is necessary for historians of religion,
according to Carpenter, so that their field of study will not be obscured
byagenericunderstandingthatobscuresthedistinctiveanduniqueiden-
titiesofspecificreligioustraditions.Hepointstothemasterfulworksof
historiansGeorgeMarsdenandErnestSandeen(andwewouldnowadd
Carpenter himself), which trace Protestant fundamentalism as a histori-
cally distinct religious movement with constitutive beliefs that set it
apartfromotherconservativeformsofProtestantism,includingevangel-
icalism. Marsden (1980) identifies several definitive characteristics of
fundamentalists that, at first glance, appear common to all evangelical
movements. Such characteristics include a particular set of beliefs,
especially premillenialism (regarding the second coming of Christ) and
Biblical inerrancy (which implies a host of other doctrines). Other dis-
tinctivefeaturesincluderevivalism,self-perceivedpatriotism,antiliberal-
ism, an emphasis on cognitive and ideological factors, and a common-
sense realist philosophy rooted in the views of Thomas Reid. But
members of other evangelical groups, who do not identify themselves
(correctly so) as fundamentalists, also claim each of these beliefs and
characteristics.SowhatsetsapartProtestantfundamentalistsfromthese
others? According to Marsden, a militant opposition to modernism,
boththeologicallyandculturally,iswhatdistinguishesProtestantfunda-
mentalism from its conservative Protestant cousins. Such a view is also
associated with the Fundamentalism Project, directed by Martin E.
Marty and R. Scott Appleby, who apply this initially Protestant term
(though not uniquely a Protestant phenomenon) to a host of other faith
1
2 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF RELIGIOUS FUNDAMENTALISM
traditionsacrossawiderangeofcultures.InaccordancewithMarsden’s
viewofProtestantism,MartyandAppleby(1991)identifyfundamental-
ist faith traditions by their militant opposition to modernity. Much of
the militancy addressed in the Fundamentalism Project consists of overt
acts of violence; this is particularly evident in its treatment of Islam
within many different cultures. Unfortunately, this approach supports a
stereotype too common in the West (especially after the attacks of Sep-
tember 11, 2001—hereafter referred to simply as “9/11”) that funda-
mentalist Islam is inherently violent and its believers are likely to be
terrorists.
Despite this reservation, we applaud the work of Carpenter, Mar-
sden, and the Fundamentalism Project and selectively utilize their schol-
arship,particularlyinChapters1and2.Theiranalyseshighlightthefre-
quent misuse of the term “fundamentalism” as, in Carpenter’s (1997)
words,
asynonymforbigotry,fanaticism,oranti-intellectualism. . . .Theprob-
lemisthatfundamentalist,likepuritan,hasbecomeawordofwideus-
age and immense symbolic power. It has been spoken with derisive
loathingand,nodoubt,somefearinintellectualcircles,forfundamen-
talist evokes images—such as the Scopes “monkey” trial in Dayton,
Tennessee, in 1925 or, more recently, the widespread demonstrations
againstabortion—thatrepresentdeepandlong-standingculturalcon-
flicts in modern America. (p. 4; emphasis in original)
Yet the term “fundamentalist,” Carpenter (1997) acknowledges,
canalsobeappliedinamoregenericfashiontodescribeareligiousand
culturalphenomenonworldwide,includingJews,Muslims,Hindus,and
other religious groupings, only some of which are to be found in the
United States. Carpenter finds value in conceptualizing fundamentalism
as a universal phenomenon, as do most of the authors associated with
the massive Fundamentalism Project (now completed in five large vol-
umes). Of particular value for both Carpenter and the Fundamentalism
Projectisthesearchforbothcommonalitiesanddistinctionsamongvar-
ious fundamentalisms, and their different expressions in various cul-
tures.YetCarpenteroptsforanarrowdefinition,fearingthatthebroad
definition“obscuresmorethanitilluminates”(1997,p.4).Wetoohave
this fear, and thus we have developed a model that accommodates both
concerns:arespectforthespecificsofeachfundamentalistfaith,andan
appreciation of the commonality of fundamentalisms. Our model (dis-
cussedinChapter1)focusesupontheideaofasacredtextandwhatwe
termtheprincipleof“intratextuality.”Althoughsacredtextsareunique
within each tradition (e.g., the Bible of the Christians compared to the