KNUT-pp280A.qxd 16/8/06 7:45 pm Page i The Power of Perspective KNUT-pp280A.qxd 16/8/06 7:45 pm Page ii Bride with mat KNUT-pp280A.qxd 16/8/06 7:45 pm Page iii The Power of Perspective Social Ontology and Agency on Ambrym Island, Vanuatu Knut Mikjel Rio Berghahn Books New York • Oxford KNUT-pp280A.qxd 16/8/06 7:45 pm Page iv First published in 2007 by Berghahn Books www.berghahnbooks.com © 2007 Knut Mikjel Rio All rights reserved. Except for the quotation of short passages for the purposes of criticism and review, no part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system now known or to be invented, without written permission of the publisher. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Printed in the United States on acid-free paper ISBN 1-84545-293-3 hardback ISBN 1-84545- paperback KNUT-pp280A.qxd 16/8/06 7:45 pm Page v Contents h List of Figures vii Foreword: ‘Putting people first’ ix Acknowledgements xiv A Note on Language xvi Chapter 1 Introduction 1 Chapter 2 Kinship and Sand Drawing 35 Chapter 3 The Totalising Third Party 64 Chapter 4 The Spirals of Marriage 82 Chapter 5 Of Yams and Men 103 Chapter 6 The Intentionality of Ceremonial Agency 132 Chapter 7 Displaying Life after Death 158 Chapter 8 The Phenomenology of Ambrym Exchange 185 Chapter 9 Conclusions: Denying the Gift 213 Appendices 227 Bibliography 243 Index 255 KNUT-pp280A.qxd 16/8/06 7:45 pm Page vi Etul and yams KNUT-pp280A.qxd 16/8/06 7:45 pm Page vii List of Figures h 1.1 Map of Vanuatu 11 1.2 Map of Ambrym and North Ambrym 12 2.1 The North Ambrym six marriage classes 43 2.2 The relation to ZSD 45 2.3 Deacon’s informant’s diagram drawn in the sand 49 2.4 Tengweliesand drawing 52 3.1 Cylindrical representation of North Ambrym kinship 65 3.2 The relation of spouses to their mother’s place 69 3.3 The perspective of the bride’s mesongin marriage 71 3.4 Relation between three places related in marriage 75 4.1 The stream of blood 90 4.2 The circle of marriage 91 4.3 ‘Mother – exchange’ 92 4.4 Marriage coming around 94 4.5 Tracing relation between spouses through groom’s mother 95 4.6 The blocking of relationship-terms 96 4.7 Daughter-marriage 98 4.8 Spiralling marriages 99 4.9 The constitution and distribution of the buluim 100 5.1 A yam garden 107 5.2 Development of yam in growth 110 6.1 Different prestations as part of brideprice 143 6.2 Summation of prestations in maljel 148 6.3 Distribution of helarin ceremonial ground 149 6.4 The larger imagery of the arrangement of food in maljel 153 6.5 The mesong – wunjongrelation 155 6.6 Payments to mesongin marriage and maljel 156 7.1 Payments of tontonan 165 7.2 Contribution to a tontonan 166 7.3 A satellite payment of tontonan 167 7.4 Payment of ‘death pig’ 169 7.5 The relation of two ‘daughters’ to their ‘father’ 173 KNUT-pp280A.qxd 16/8/06 7:45 pm Page viii viii | List of Figures 7.6 A cycle of relationships brought into focus in 182 ceremonial life 8.1 Posture of crossing arms 200 9.1 The flow of gifts and counter-gifts 220 9.2 Two conceptual models of reciprocity through the 221 different stages of prestations KNUT-pp280A.qxd 16/8/06 7:45 pm Page ix Foreword: ‘Putting people first’ h In the ‘Suva Declaration’ on sustainable human development in the Pacific of 1993, the South Pacific Forum had as their motto ‘Putting People First’. In response to a rapidly changing modern world, the attitude of the Forum was ‘to take into account development approaches which are more consistent with the cherished values which make up the unique Pacific way of life’ (South Pacific Forum 1994). Inside these discursive glosses of ‘the Pacific way of life’ lies a clearly historically situated idea about how Pacific communities work. It builds on the notion that people in this part of the world consider themselves to be the primary resources. Everything else that matters – things like land, food, goods and money – are merely means to maintain and reproduce this resource. ‘Putting people first’ is hence not only a slogan, but also a description of Pacific communities. We find this kind of qualitative evaluation repeated in Pacific festivals, tourist guidebooks, in the policies of non-governmental organisations and in the anthropological literature. We will also encounter that kind of representation of Pacific communities in this book. When writing about the Pacific one simply cannot escape this morally, historically and politically laden argument about qualitative difference in the world. The Pacific is different, at least to itself, as we see in the self-representation of the Pacific Forum. We also have to recognise how the very idea of social and cultural difference in our Western imagination has fed on images of the Pacific. ‘The South Seas’ have for a long time held a privileged position in Western museums, travel literature and popular films. Any idea of ‘the Pacific way of life’ is itself an encounter: between this Western imagination and the self-conscious identity of Pacific islanders. We will take that representation seriously, to see what ‘putting people first’ means in a localised setting, on Ambrym Island in the archipelago of Vanuatu. And we will investigate what that means in terms of the anthropological project. If people really are considered the primary resources of society, then this also has implications for social analysis and our view of human sociality. We might for instance have to admit to the economic bias in the relationships involved in maintaining this resource, concerning the centrality of concepts like ‘exchanging’, ‘replacing’ and ‘producing’ people. But we then also have to thoroughly rethink our conception of KNUT-pp280A.qxd 16/8/06 7:45 pm Page x x | Foreword these terms and try to seek out the potential of the comparative indigenous terms. Maybe ‘putting people first’ refers to a particular view of society, an acknowledgement of the immanent agency of society itself, and maybe these conceptions can challenge our own ideas about what ‘society’ is. I will engage in these kinds of issues through a focus on the influence of third parties on people’s lives on the island of Ambrym in north- central Vanuatu. By ‘third parties’ I imply a particular kind of agency that people find to be crucial in the formation of their ongoing life: the direct influence of particular relatives, of spirits and of other parties who stand in a position of ‘seeing’ people’s activities in larger perspectives than they see themselves. In the locality of this study, the northern part of Ambrym, people recognise a certain kind of spirit that can serve as an example of the agency I am referring to. They call this spirit wehenru, literally meaning ‘second wife’. It is believed to accompany some men in their lives. This is a female creature that is invisible to all others but the ‘husband’, the man who takes her into his house. As the meaning of the term suggests, this kind of spirit is living as his wife, pleasing him, not sexually, but by providing him with luck and fortune. If a man is accompanied by a wehenru, he can go into a store and buy something, and after he leaves the store, the money will be back in his pocket. A friend of mine in the village of Ranon told me about a man whom he had worked with in a copraplantation on Malo Island, who was accompanied by such a spirit. One night they had sat by their fire after work, and my friend had complained that the food was poor on the plantation and that he missed the Ambrym yams and banana puddings. The next evening the other man provided him with fresh yam and pudding, allegedly brought in from Ambrym by his wehenru. It is often considered great luck to be in the possession of such a spirit. They do not really need any favours in return, and their presence is for the most part made visible by their gifts of food and money. Typically a man who wins a lot in games of dice and poker is led to believe that such a woman spirit is helping him. The relation is hence a one-way relation, the spirit mostly revealing herself through people’s possessions and luck. But despite this benevolent character of the wehenru, most men are terrified of having one of their own. This is because of the idea that this ‘second wife’ is also judging one’s behaviour. The things that are given should not be kept to oneself, and generosity is considered imperative to people who receive things from the wehenru. If people act selfishly and immorally the spirit will abandon them and might even punish them with sickness and death. A man I know in the village of Fanla had been accompanied by such a spirit for many years, and had managed to keep her happy by his overwhelming kindness to other people. He was always engaging in other people’s ceremonies, and he did his best in getting rid