The politics of Louis Althusser: - Sojourner Truth Organization

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The politics of Louis Althusser:

Introduction culty with nearly every stroke of his pen. His latest book

[Essays in Self-Criticism, New Left Books, London,
Despite the fact that Louis Althusser is a prominent 1976; translation, Preface, and Introduction by
representative of a distinct political trend in the Grahame Lock] is Althusser's attempt to clean up his
French Communist Party, his writings have been de-
act, but his attempt to extricate himself from one set
bated outside France as though they were politically
of problems is leading him into fresh collisions with
unimportant — the province of academic philosophers
Marx and Lenin.
alone. We do not propose to follow this practice. If
There are some superficial parallels between the
Althusser's work were purely of consequence to the
careers of Georg Lukacs and Louis Althusser. Lukacs,
editors of Telos, Radical America, Theoretical Review,
the Hungarian Marxist philosopher and literary critic,
and the more difficult contributors to New Left
was a creative and innovative thinker who, after daring
Review and Marxism Today, they would not interest
to test the outer limits of thought in the Communist
us.
movement under Stalin, was frequently forced to
Eurocommunism is Althusser's habitat — that jum-
retreat with a pitiful "self-criticism" which barely
ble of massive but unorthodox Communist Parties
preserved his party membership, and perhaps his life,
who defy the Soviet Union, discard proletarian dic-
from the wrath of the monolith. Althusser, the eccentric
tatorship as an anachronism, drop Leninism from
philosopher in the French Communist Party who has
their vocabularies, join bourgeois governments, and,
invented a whole new theoretical approach to
in Italy, hunt down revolutionaries and jail them.
Marxism, has now begun his retreat.
From within the French CP Althusser criticizes much
Both Lukacs and Althusser are defenders of Marxist
of this, yet he not only has stayed in, but frequently
"orthodoxy" during periods when their parties disdain
has beaten theoretical retreats through self-criticism
it. Perhaps these similarities explain why the ideas of
which, so far at least, has kept his party membership
these two men seem destined to a common fate ~ the
intact.
growth of a large, vocal, and aggressive following
In this way Althusser provides what seems in some
among young intellectuals in the academic world;
respects to be a defense of Marxist orthodoxy — a
some measure of recognition by the bourgeois
left critique of the Euroeommunist mainstream.
Marxist militants who cannot stomach .the giant de- intelligentsia; and a much smaller following among
partures of Georges Marchais, or Enrico Berlinguer, party rank-and-filers.
or Santiago Carrillo are given a theoretical justifica- But there the similarities end. Lukacs was defending
tion for joining or staying in the Communist Parties. the orthodoxy of revolutionary creativity within the
This is not an unimportant task. Were every militant confines of a Stalinist straitjacket. Both the creativity
who read and agreed with Marx, and look note of and the orthodoxy of Althusser's thought are purely
the CPs' departure from his teachings, to leave the formal — hypermodern Marxism whose complexities
CPs as those parties depart from Marxism, their col- and terminological novelty inspire otherwise intelligent
lapse would be imminent. people to participate in the dullest enterprise while
But some aspects of Marxist orthodoxy are stub- defending the terms, but not the ideas, that once taught
bornly incompatible with even the most radical vari- millions how to recognize social revolution when they
ant of Eurocommunism. Here is where Althusser's saw it.
genius comes into its own. His Marxism permits one Despite the new book's title, Althusser exhibits no
to discard Marx selectively, using an elaborate theo- humility in his "self-criticism." This is a truculent book
retical construct and an apparent philosophical rigor in which Althusser bullies his opponents even as he
supposedly methodologically loyal to Marx. If Al- retreats from most of the theoretical ground on which
thusser can withstand attack here, the rest of his he made his name.
system, and its political consequences, may be safe. In the past, for example, Althusser distinguished
The Urgent Tasks symposium therefore examines himself with his claim that theory is a form of practice.
both Althusser's politics and the theoretical under- "Theoretical practice" was reified into the defiant slogan
pinnings. of the Althusserian camp, and his British followers took
Followers of Althusser's writings sooner or later that as the title for their political journal. Now that
come to an almost inescapable conclusion: Althusser Althusser confesses that his most original assertion was
may be the first person who became a Marxist-Lenin- in error (it is "dangerous," he says, and "must be done
ist philosopher before becoming thoroughly familiar away with"), his loyal adherents are left holding the
with the teachings of Marx and Lenin. bag. But if Grahame Lock's Introduction is any guide,
It is difficult to imagine, otherwise, how he could they are shamelessly committed to their man and
have gotten himself into so much theoretical diffi- scarcely disturbed by such trifles.

8
a symposium

All this confirms that something more (or maybe deviation." (He rejects the term "Stalinism" because
less) than "philosophy" is involved here. It is difficult it is a bourgeois or Trotskyist label which "explains
to suppose that pillars of basic doctrine can be aban- nothing.")
doned at will, but if the changes wrought are actually Of course, he adds, it is wrong not to recognize
conducted at a lower theoretical altitude than the Stalin's "historical merits": "He understood that it
Althusserians pretend, they can readily be understood was necessary to abandon the miraculous idea of an
as attempts to shore up a dubious possessory title to imminent 'world revolution' and to undertake instead
certain political turf. the 'construction of socialism' in one country." Stalin
Althusser has played a cat-and-mouse game with taught millions of Communists "that there existed
his critics for nearly a decade. An essay would appear, Principles of Leninism." But there were drawbacks to
and his critics would respond. He would then write, Stalin too, among them, his "humanism."
"They don't understand," and would reveal the secret Lock makes some of this concrete: "The Polish
of what he was supposedly driving at in the first events [the mass strikes of 1970] demonstrate some-
place. (When he bothered to answer at all, that is.) thing important, too. The workers' protest itself was
The current book continues Althusser's intellectual not — contrary to a common opinion — directed
unscrupulousness masquerading as scholarship by in- against 'Stalinism': rather the opposite." (They were
cluding a lengthy bibliography of his critics, a dozen for Stalinism??!!) "It is therefore impossible to paint
or so of whom get passing mention in Lock's Intro-
the Stalin period in wholly black or white terms, and
duction, but only one — British Communist John
it is equally impossible to pretend that its faults can
Lewis — is actually debated by Althusser.
be eliminated simply by 'democratizing' or 'liberal-
Sometimes the ludicrousness of Althusser's re-
izing' the political structures (for the sake of 'liberty')
sponses to his critics is astonishing. For years his
and 'reforming' the economy (for the sake of 'pro-
philosophy has been called "structuralism," in keep-
ductivity'). The effects of Stalin's humanism and
ing with its similarities to that of other writers who
economism cannot be rectified by a more consistent
have so named their approach. Now Althusser writes,
humanism and a more consistent economism."
the problems in my theory didn't come from struc-
These lines depart sufficiently from the high road
turalism, but from an affinity for Spinoza! — but
of "philosophy" to the low road of politics that one
answers to the substance of the criticisms still don't
naturally is led to the search for a motive other than
appear, despite the fact that he knows the debate
that of academic excellence and intellectual devotion.
isn't about political taxonomy.
It is not hard to find. Althusser himself admits he
Lock writes that the purpose of his lengthy Intro-
wasn't always so courageous:
duction is to allow readers to "get an idea of what
"Before the Twentieth Congress [of the Soviet
kind of politics lie behind Althusser's 'philosophy'."
Communist Party in 1956] it was actually not possi-
In itself, that ought to be taken as a confession of
ble for a Communist philosopher, certainly in France,
bankruptcy. If Althusser's previous four books
to publish texts which would be (at least to some ex-
haven't managed to convey his politics somehow,
tent) relevant to politics, which would be something
then the claims he made as to the political character
other than a pragmatist commentary on consecrated
of his theoretical work were clearly bogus even before
formulae." But the torrent of criticism that followed
his "self-criticism." Even so, it is interesting that
the Twentieth Congress attacked "Stalin's errors"
Lock, with Althusser's approval, can write that his
from the right — "there inevitably followed what we
politics lie behind his philosophy, rather than the
must call an unleashing of bourgeois ideological and
other way around. (It seems likely that had a critic
been the first to pose this relationship between Al- philosophical themes within the Communist Parties
thusser's politics and theory, she or he would have themselves."
been roundly denounced by the defenders of the The ferment that erupted in the Communist Parties
faith.) did in fact become part of the general right-wing drift
Althusser insists on your respect. Even if you as those parties sought to increase their electoral
don't agree with him, he demands that you admire strength and trade union power in Western Europe
his political courage. We should try to understand, and to seek commercial independence from the So-
he says, "whatever the risks of what we say," the viets in Eastern Europe. In resisting these currents,
errors of the world Communist movement. "I shall Althusser emerged as a defender of Marxist "ortho-
take the personal risk of advancing this hypothesis doxy" — a left pole within the French CP. In contrast
now." "It cannot be denied that such an initiative to the leading political currents, Althusser's criticisms
involved great efforts and risks." The problem can and his terminological loyalty to certain Marxist tra-
be summed up as the effects of a single problem, ditions (for example, his defense of the concept of
the "Stalinian proletarian dictatorship while the Western European

9
CPs are jettisoning it) has given him a "revolutionary" separated out from the determinations valid for pro-
aura. duction as such, so that in their unity — which arises
Paradoxically, this appearance actually became an already from the identity of the subject, humanity, and
asset to the CP, because it provided a political lure of the object, nature — their essential difference is not
within the party for militant workers and radical forgotten." [Karl Marx, Grundrisse, Pelican Marx
intellectuals whose leftward drift might otherwise be- Library edition, page 85, emphasis added]
come a threat to party hegemony. His utility is In a similar way, Althusser's statement that
strengthened when his militancy implicitly runs "Marxism-Leninism has always subordinated the
counter to the party line — for instance when he re- dialectical Theses to the materialist Theses" [his em-
fers to the French events of May 1968 as "the great- phasis] is clearly in opposition to Lenin's view that
est workers' strike in world history." (But his polit- "what is decisive in Marxism [is] its revolutionary
ical courage hasn't yet extended to the point of dialectics." [33: 476] In another instance Althusser
directly attacking the counter-revolutionary role of writes, "Of course it is not true that everything is
the French CP during that strike.) always connected with everything else — this is not a
The appearances are deceptive, however. On the Marxist thesis," whereas Lenin's view was the oppo-
most basic level, Althusser clings to the reformist site: "The relations of each thing (phenomenon, etc.)
assumptions of his party. His attack on "humanism" are not only manifold, but general, universal. Each
is actually a defense of the party and the unions, not thing (phenomenon, process, etc.) is connected with
a revolutionary departure. Thus: "The humanist line every other." [38: 222, Lenin's emphasis]
turns the workers away from the class struggle, pre- Clearly Althusser's "theoretical" work in the 1970s
vents them from making use of the only power they isn't much different from that of the 1960s reviewed
possess: that of their organization as a class and their by Martin Glaberman. Althusser's theoretical system
class organizations (the trade unions, the party), by has taken on a life independent of its political utility,
which they wage their class struggle." [Althusser's and this aspect has gotten nearly all the attention and
emphasis] One would never guess from this that these commentary outside France. As we stated in the be-
workers' "class organizations" played the crucial role ginning, this is a subordinate concern for us.
of restoring bourgeois authority during "the greatest At the same time we would caution against the urge
workers' strike in world history." to write an insurance policy underwriting Althusser's
Nearly every reformist working class party has political life. The appearance of flexibility in the
someone playing the role we have described here. Eurocommunist parties is deceptive, and Georges
What has distinguished Althusser has been his attempt Marchais, head of the French CP, is a tinhorn Stalin. He
to justify his political position in theory. Whereas has already ordered Althusser to stop criticizing the
previous generations of CP intellectuals have ration- party's electoral strategy.
alized their lines by re-interpreting Marx and Lenin to It seems likely that the rallying point for leftwing
conform to party doctrine, Althusser has no qualms
Eurocommunism will increasingly focus on Fernando
about rejecting much of Marx's and Lenin's writings
Claudin and his debate with Spanish CP leader San-
on their face as "un-Marxist." He and his followers
tiago Carrillo. If so, Althusser may become entirely
are not moved by demonstrations that their positions
expendable. It will be interesting to see whether his
contradict Marxist-Leninist teachings; they simply
"philosophy" can survive in the absence of a viable
reply that Marx and Lenin abandoned previously held
political base.
positions, sometimes unconsciously.
Picking up after Martin Glaberman's review of the
Even so, Althusser is compelled to say that certain
bulk of Althusser's theoretical works, Don Hamerquist
texts provide valid guides to political theory, and
explores the political implications of Althusser's recent
these provide at least a small plot of common ground
articles and examines his place in the tableau of
on which to apply mutually acceptable standards to
Eurocommunism. Though all conclusions are
political claims. In this book Althusser opposes
necessarily tentative, the article explores the tensions
working class self-activity in theory by asserting,
between Althusser's growing criticism of the French
time and time again, that Marx viewed history as "a
CP and his own theoretical roots. Hamerquist con-
process without a subject." Yet he also says that "I
siders the direction of Althusser's political drift in-
based myself as closely as possible on Marx's 1857
compatible with his "scientific," "anti-humanist"
Introduction, and if I used it to produce some
theory. Indeed, if Hamerquist's optimism about Al-
necessary effects of theoretical provocation, I think
thusser's political future is justified, it is likely that
that I did nevertheless remain faithful to it."
Althusser will undergo an "epistemological break" of
Did he remain faithful to it? Is Marx's history a
process without a subject? In the 1857 Introduction his own. Whether or not this will amount to a
to Critique of Political Economy, Marx wrote that "philosophical revolution" remains to be seen.
"all epochs of production have certain common traits,
common characteristics." These traits, "the elements Jasper Collins
which are not general and common, must be for the editors

10
Althusser: the action of large
masses is determinant

Below are excerpts from a four- ways defended another thesis — the ence of a system which functions on
part series of articles by Louis Al- proletariat must "emancipate itself." its own, independently of the
thusser which appeared in Le Monde It can count on no class or liberator individuals who find their place in
last April, sharply critical of the
besides itself; it can count only on it, but which compels those indi-
French Communist Party in the
the strength of its organization. It has viduals to be what they are: both
wake of its electoral defeat. As the
no other choice, no exploited to used by and taking from the system.
final installment appeared on April
manipulate. And since it must of When someone says that the party
28, party leader Georges Marchais
necessity make lasting alliances, it functions on authority from above,
announced that the political debate
within the party was closed. cannot treat its allies as other one should not look at authority as a
it is interesting to note that Al- people, as forces at its mercy that it personal passion of a leader, but in
thusser departs from some of his can dominate at will, but must treat the machinery of the apparatus,
own political and theoretical ground them as true equals, whose historic which at every level hides
rules here. For example, he uses the personality it must responsibility for the conduct of
term Stalinism, which he had respect. authority and its results: an
previously rejected as a bour- * * * automatic source of secrecy, suspi-
geois/Trotskyist term. More signifi-
cion, distrust, and cunning. * * *
cantly, his reference to the self- How then is bourgeois political
emancipation of the proletariat practice reproduced in [the prole- If a party and a line are needed, it
would appear to undermine his tariat's] ranks? By treating the is to aid the working class in or-
definition of history as "a process militants and the masses like others, ganizing itself as a class or, what is
without a subject." whom the leadership, in the purest
the same thing, organizing its struggle
These articles constitute Althus- bourgeois style, gets to implement
as a class. So the party must no
ser's strongest political commentary
its political line. It is sufficient to
longer be built for its own sake, nor
on the CP and its leadership to date,
allow free rein to the internal
the working class organized for its
and they may be his last words on
mechanism of the party, which
these subjects for some time to own sake; this would be to fall into
spontaneously produces the separa-
come — especially if he values his isolation. The working class exists
tion between the leadership and the
party membership. in the midst of large masses of ex-
militants and the separation between
Translation is by Renee Rosen- ploited or oppressed people, as the
feld, Noel Ignatin, and Ken Law- the party and the masses. part of the masses most capable of
rence. * * *
organizing itself and of showing the
way to all the other exploited.
Because in the party, on the basis
Marxist tradition holds that it is
A little historical awareness is of the Stalinian tradition, theory is
the action of large masses that is
enough to make one see that there the "property" of the leaders (and
determinant, and that it is necessary
exist as many forms of political those who might not agree would
to conceive of the action of the
practice as there are classes in power learn at their expense what the cost
working class in terms of this
or struggling for power. Each is today), and because this "property"
determining role. It is from large
governs or struggles according to of theory and Truth hide other
masses that historic initiatives of
the practice which best corresponds "properties" — one of the militants
revolutionary import come: the in-
to the constraints of its battle and its and one of the masses themselves,
vention of the Commune, the fac-
interests. [the bourgeois practice of the party]
tory occupations of 1936, the pop-
We can, for example, thanks to should not be interpreted in
ular triumphs of the Liberation
bourgeois history and theoreticians, individual terms, but in terms of the
Committees of 1944-1945, the
affirm that the role of the bourgeois system. The style of the individuals
prodigious surprise of May 1968 in
practice of politics consists of changes; the Stalinism of our
France, etc. And a party judges itself
making sure of its own domination leadership has become "humanist,"
in the first place by its capacity for
through others. even "open." That doesn't matter.
attention to the needs and the
* * * What counts is that everything that
initiatives of the popular masses.
has just been pointed out as tending
Against this bourgeois practice of
toward bourgeois political practice in
politics, Marxist tradition has al-
the party is the exist-
11
Attempts to subordinate history to the CP

An earlier version of this paper was broadly that it includes theory. "By War II world. It is in relation to this
delivered at the Annual Meeting of theory, in this respect, I shall mean a world that the validity and the rele-
the American Sociological Associa- specific form of practice, itself be- vance of his ideas must be judged.
tion, Montreal, Canada, August 27, longing to the complex unity of the One element of that world, the co-
1974, and published in the September 'social practice' of a determinate lonial revolution which has seen
1975 issue of The Review of Social human society. Theoretical practice independence won by most of the
Theory. falls within the general definition of nations of Africa and Asia, must be
practice. It works on a raw material left aside, since Althusser does not
By Martin Glaberman (representations, concepts, facts) deal with it except in occasional
which it is given by other practices . . marginal comments. The other ele-
When the writings of Louis Al- .,”1 etc. By defining concepts, etc., as ment is the waves of revolutionary
thusser began to be translated into material, or using words in such a activity in the industrial world, in the
English, interest in the French way that the material nature of ideas East and in the West. The Hungarian
Communist philosopher grew tre- is implied, Althusser magically Revolution of 1956, in which the
mendously. Today there are indica- transforms his idealism into a Hungarian working class destroyed a
tions that that interest has begun to materialist philosophy.2 The attraction totalitarian regime and created a new
decline. Althusser, however, remains of this to many radical intellectuals society based on workers councils;
an important figure because, in the who would never think of their own the creation of a "New Left," in the
first place, he is associated with a philosophical views as idealist is that United States and in Europe (the
powerful international political it places intellectual activities at the appearance of massive war
movement and because, in the center of historical movement, giving movements, black movements,
second place, his ideas have a certain intellectuals a role in the women's movements, anti-war
attraction to middle class intellectuals transformation of society of which movements, etc.); these are the
who prefer their Marxism in forms mundane materialism seems to landmarks of the post-World War II
that are compatible with the deprive them. world that revolutionary theory and
empirical scientism of traditional The third is the seeming scientific revolutionary philosophy have to
academic disciplines. character of his methodology. grapple with. It is in this context that
Althusser's attraction, I believe, Intellectuals, Marxist and non-Marxist we view Althusser's work.
stems from three elements of his alike, have always had difficulty with Althusser's emphasis on how to
work. The first is the apparent the Marxian dialectic because it "read" the Marxist classics throws
freedom of his writing from the kind seems to go against the rules of an interesting light on his ideas,
of rigid, monolithic doctrinairism ordinary scientific method. The although that subject is only mar-
associated with Stalinism. Althusser flouting of Aristotelian logic, ginal to the purpose of this paper.
is willing to praise and criticize a contradiction, negation of the nega- He has always insisted on the dis-
wide range of Communists and non- tion, historical necessity, interpene- continuity of Marx's works, a strange
Communists in ways that would not tration of opposites, and so on, have way to interpret any thinker. He
have been tolerated in the Stalinist only rarely been accepted by social designated Marx's works in the
period. He is even willing to criticize and natural science. By abandoning following categories:
Marx, to invent new terms, and, in the dialectical content yet retaining 1840-44: the Early Works.
general, to behave like a free-thinking the name, by reducing historical 1845: the Works of the
philosopher. (I shall attempt to show materialism to an ahistorical Break.
that this view is superficial, that empiricism, by eliminating historical 1845-57: the Transitional
fundamentally Althusser's necessity and the general laws of Works.
philosophy is Stalinist in every development of capitalist society, 1857-83: the Mature Works.3
significant sense.) Althusserian philosophy has an Althusser's attempts to root Hegel
The second is the idealism of his attraction to those intellectuals who and the dialectic out of Marxism
philosophy. Although he constantly are critical of existing society, are brought him under considerable at-
refers to himself and his philosophy committed to social change, but who tack, an attack that was strongly
as materialist, historical materialism, if are not prepared to accept the supported by the publication of the
you please, at every crucial point he fundamental changes in their Grundrisse, which made available to
attributes to idealistic forms (theory, methods of thought and in their the general public the integrated
party programs, ideas) the power to scientific work which are implied in character of Marx's economic and
move history. It is an idealism that is Marxist theory. philosophic ideas. Althusser, how-
concealed by the manipulation of ever, was not to be put off. He re-
language. For example, he defines Althusser seems to be speaking to treated to his final fortress: "When
practice so the post-Stalinist, post-World

12
Capital Volume One appeared when the Chinese Communist Party and self-criticism. "The same He-
(1867), traces of the Hegelian in- retreated from the cities to the iso- gelian influence comes to light in the
fluence still remained. Only later did lated countryside, until after the imprudent formulation in Chapter 32
they disappear completely: the seizure of power in 1948-49, the of Volume One Part VIII, where
Critique of the Gothe Programme contact of the Party with workers Marx, discussing the 'expropriation
(1875) as well as the Marginal Notes was either non-existent or marginal.9 of the expropriators,' declares 'It is
on Wagner's 'Lehrbuch der Althusser simply creates facts to the negation of the negation.'
politischen Okonomie' (1882) are sustain his politics. Imprudent, since its ravages have not
totally and definitively exempt from yet come to an end, despite the fact
any trace of Hegelian influence." 4 that Stalin was right, for once, to
In the whole body of tens of suppress 'the negation of the
volumes of Marx's works, these two negation' from the laws of the
pieces are all that remain that are dialectic . . .”14 Along with, and
truly Marxist. (I should note that often lumped with, the rejection of
what an earlier Stalinism attempted the negation of the negation is the
to do by the distortion and misin- rejection of Aufhebung, a key
terpretation of Marx and other concept in Hegel and in Marx vari-
Marxists, while proclaiming absolute ously translated as transcendence,
fidelity to the letter and spirit of supersession, etc., and alienation.
Marx, Althusser accomplishes much Criticism and self-criticism Althusser
more openly by challenging the has called "the golden rule of the
texts head on.) For the rest, one dare Marxist-Leninist practice of the
not take Marx's word for what he class struggle."15 This last was the
says or means. One needs Althusser simultaneous contribution of Mao
as a guide. Ordinarily one would not and of Stalin (through his commisar
have to take this nonsense seriously. of culture, Zhdanov).16
What is interesting, however, is that As is evident from Marx's use of
what is presumptuous and arrogant in the term, the negation of the nega-

relation to studying Marx has a tion relates to the revolution itself.17
certain validity in studying Well-known Humanist It is the logical statement that all
Althusser, because in fact, it is significant social categories are torn
For example: "By practice in
difficult to take Althusser literally. apart by contradiction (negation),
general I shall mean any process of
Althusser, for example, occasionally contradiction that is inherent in and
transformation of a determinate given
displays an absence of scruples in internal to the system, and that the
raw material into a determinate
dealing with facts, quotations, and ultimate destruction of the system is
product . . ."10 "As we have seen,
ideas. To put it plainly, he is the result of these internal forces and
every transformation of a raw
unscrupulous. leads to its transcendence, to the
material into products . . ."11 'What is
For example: "Lenin's 'Without creation of a new category (or
this but intellectual fakery? Althusser
revolutionary theory, no revolu- system), that, however, embodies the
frequently states something and then
tionary practice."5 And "When old. In relation to capitalist society,
later refers to it as if proven or
Lenin said 'without theory, no rev- it locates the forces of revolution
generally accepted.12
olutionary action'" . . .6 What Al- within the economic structure of
There is one other element in Al-
thusser is quoting with such gay society, in the relations of
thusser's writings that needs to be
abandon is the following: "Without production, in the working class, and
mentioned. There is a distinct ten-
revolutionary theory there can be defines the revolution as not simply
no revolutionary movement."7 Al- dency toward bombastic writing, the "inversion" (a favorite word of
toward the invention of new terms to
thusser has taken a statement that Althusser's) of capitalists and
replace perfectly usable old ones,
a political movement cannot exist workers but their mutual destruction
toward phrasing banalities and com-
without a theory and transformed and absorption into the categories of
monplaces to make them sound like
it into the totally idealist nonsense a new society based on totally
that practice or activity cannot significant principles. The result is an different relations of production. It is
take place without theory. obscurantism which, if not deliberate, this definition of the revolution that
For example: "During the Chi- nevertheless serves the function of is unacceptable to Althusser because
nese Revolution, the principal limiting any criticism of his ideas.13 it is thereby removed from the
force was the workers (even Substantively, one of the crucial absolute control of the Communist
though they were few in number points of attack on Hegel and the Party.
compared to the peasants).8 This dialectic is Althusser's rejection of the In its place we have the "law" of
is simply false. From the time of negation of the negation and, in criticism and self-criticism which
the Long March effect, the substitution of criticism Zhdanov introduced as the law of

13
motion of socialist society and criticism — turn attention away 3. Read carefully Parts II, III
which Althusser expands to cover from the self-development of so- (The Production of Abso-
the practice of the class struggle. ciety, from struggles objectively lute Surplus-Value) and IV
Why this interest in criticism and rooted in class contradiction, and (The Production of Rela-
self-criticism? To begin with, it re- place reliance in the judgment of tive Surplus-Value).
places a materialist conception with the Party. It is not surprising that
an idealist conception. Instead of Althusser is warmly receptive to 4. Leave Part V (The Produc-
placing the source of movement, of Mao's philosophical innovations tion of Relative and Abso-
development, of struggle, of change, and assures us that there is not a lute Surplus-Value) on one
in the objective forces existing in trace of Hegel in them. side.
society, it places the source of The same dual concern is in-
movement in discussion and debate, volved in Althusser's considerable 5. Read carefully Parts VI
in party decisions and programs. (Of interest in Capital. In the first place, (Wages), VII (The Accu-
course, that is viewing it at its best. Althusser attempts to "read" Marx mulation of Capital) and
In point of fact, criticism and self- and Lenin in such a way that they VIII (The So-Called Primi-
criticism has a very specific meaning mean the opposite of what they say. tive Accumulation).
in the Communist movement — the Marx gives him difficulty by
leadership criticizes and lower levels acknowledging his debt to Hegel in 6. Finally, begin to read Part I
of leadership and the membership both form and content in Capital. (Commodities and Money)
engage in self-criticism.) In short, Althusser (whose arrogance is with infinite caution,
the proletariat is eliminated as the spectacular) takes the bull by the knowing that it will always
fundamental revolutionary force horns and simply defines the "He- be extremely difficult to
(although not, of course, in May Day gelian" sections of Capital as non- understand, even after sev-
speeches or Party manifestoes) and Marxist. Lenin also gives him diffi- eral readings of the other
replaced by the Party, insuring the culty by insisting that "It is impos- Parts, without the help of a
conservative stability of the move- sible completely to understand certain number of deeper
ment. The "suppression" of the Marx's Capital, and especially its explanations.21
negation of the negation is neces- first chapter, without having thor-
sary to subordinate history, that is, oughly studied and understood the These distortions of Capital have
the revolution, to the Communist whole of Hegel's Logic. Conse- an interesting predecessor. In 1943
Party. quently, half a century later none of there appeared in the Soviet Union
the Marxists understood Marx!!"19
an authoritative article entitled,
But criticism and self-criticism had Althusser reinterprets Lenin so that "Teaching of Economics in the So-
a more immediate purpose when it he was more of a Marxist and viet Union."22 The unsigned article,
was introduced — to remove the dialectician before he studied Hegel appearing in Under the Banner of
than after.20 But the concern with
Soviet Union from the functioning Marxism, indicated that the teaching
Capital is not simply based on the
of dialectical-historical laws. If of economics had been halted and
need to attack the dialectical
dialectics indicates that all change was now being resumed on the basis
method which informs it. It is also
and development stems from of a new approach to Capital, one
based on the need to defend the
contradiction, and that in society which abandoned Marx's own
existing structure of the Soviet
contradiction is fundamentally the structure and substituted a new
struggle between classes, what does Union. arrangement of the material. The
In a preface to a French edition of
one do in a "classless" society? The problem was that a straightforward
volume one of Capital, Althusser
application of dialectics and the reading of Capital, with its emphasis
proposes that Capital not be read as
relevance of the class struggle is too on the social relationships of
obvious in a society governed by it was written. production and the law of value, was
I therefore urge on the reader
totalitarian violence. So a new law is embarrassingly relevant to the
the following method of
invented that brings everything under nature of Russian society, with its
control and subordinates conflict to reading: class divisions.23 Since Capital
could not be destroyed altogether, the
the dictates of the Party leadership.
1. Leave Part I (Commodities next best step was to distort it into
Mao found that law useful in China,
and Money) deliberately on an ahistorical, structural analysis.
but also added some trimming:
one side in a first reading. How important this was is indicated
principal contradiction, principal
by the fact that the teaching of eco-
aspect of a contradiction,
2. Begin reading Volume One nomics was literally brought to a halt
antagonistic and non-antagonistic
with its Part II (The Trans- in the Soviet Union until the task of
contradictions. All are designed to
formation of Money into revising Capital could be
do the same thing as the law of
Capital). accomplished.
criticism and self-

14
Althusser's concern for the proper ther development into systems must carry this through to its
reading of Capital conforms to his of dogmas — also exercise conclusion and say that this
dual interest: to root dialectical their influence upon the overdetermination does not just
materialism out of Marxism and to course of historical struggles, refer to apparently unique and
defend Russian state capitalism as a and in many cases prepon- aberrant historical situations
socialist society. derate in determining their (Germany, for example), but is
Very much the same is involved form . . ." The word "form" universal: the economic
in Althusser's famous (and much should be understood in its dialectic is never active in the
overrated) concept of "overdeter- strongest sense, designating pure state; in History, these
mination." In his essay, "Contra- something quite different from instances, the superstructures,
diction and overdetermination," Al- the formal.24 etc. — are never seen to step
thusser lays the basis for his new This last sentence is another respectfully aside when their
concept by flagrantly distorting Hegel example of Althusserian fakery — work is done or, when the
by a play on the word "simple." no one would assume that by form, Time comes, as his pure
Pretending that Hegel's conception Engels meant formal — but the issue phenomena, to scatter before
of contradiction was simple, Al- is confused enough so that there is a His Majesty the Economy as
thusser counterposes the Marxist chance that one might think what he strides along the royal road
view of a complex social totality, Althusser wants one to think, that of the Dialectic. From the first
consisting of contradictions on vari- form means content. Because what moment to the last, the lonely
ous levels, generally, economic base Althusser is doing is taking a widely hour of the "last instance"
and superstructure. He then presents known correction or modification never comes.25
Engels' statement in a famous letter which simply says that the One stands in awe of such arro-
to J. Bloch of September 21, 1890. economic basis is not all, and gance that in two pages can trans-
Says Althusser: reinterpreting it to mean that the form the meaning of Engels into its
Listen to the old Engels in economic basis is not anything, that opposite. Overdetermination, then,
1890, taking the young the superstructure is all. is the replacement of the general
"economists" to task for not Here, then are the two ends laws of development of capitalism
having understood that this of the chain: the economy is by the universal law of national
was a new relationship. [The determinant, but in the last exceptionalism. Overdetermination
emphasis on "new relationship" instance, Engels is prepared to takes the revolution out of the
is a typical Althusserian say, in the long run, the run of economic system, that is, out of the
distortion — there is no History. But History "asserts sphere of the social relations of
justification for the term in itself" through the multiform production, and places it purely in
Engels.] Production is the world of the superstructure, the superstructure, that is, in politics.
determinant factor, but only from local tradition to In doing this, of course, it
"in the last instance": "More international circumstances.
transforms the revolution from a
than this neither Marx nor I Leaving aside the theoretical
social revolution to a political revo-
have ever asserted." Anyone solution En-gels proposes for
lution and it replaces the proletariat
who "twists this" so that it the problem of the relation
with the Party as the prime mover.
says that the economic factor between determination in the
(This helps to explain Althusser's
is the only determinant factor, last instance — the economic
astonishing statement of "Marx's
"transforms that proposition — and those determinations
principal positive debt to Hegel: the
into a meaningless, abstract, imposed by the superstructures
concept of a process without a
empty phrase." And as — national traditions and in-
subject."26 How helpful — a prole-
explanation: "The economic ternational events — it is suf-
tarian revolution without the pro-
situation is the basis, but the ficient to retain from him what
letariat!)
various elements of the should be called the
The cause of the revolution has now
superstructure — the political accumulation of effective de-
become the special, unique,
forms of the class struggle and terminations (deriving from
overdeterminations of the superstructure,
its results: to wit constitutions the superstructures and from
not the class struggle at the economic
established by the victorious the special national and inter-
base. The revolution takes place in a
class after a successful battle, national circumstances) on the
particular place, not because the working
etc., juridical forms, and then determination in the last
class is exploited and alienated in the pro-
even the reflexes of all these instance by the economic. It
cess of production, but because of
actual struggles in the brains seems to me that this clarifies
exceptional political and ideological
of the participants, political, the expression overdeter-
juristic, philosophical theories, mined contradiction, which I circumstances. These exceptional
religious views and their fur- have put forward. . . . We circumstances no longer simply

15
modify the form that the revolution
true!] I shall not evade the structure is a given (much in the
takes, they determine the fact of
most burning issue: it seems manner of bourgeois sociology), it
revolution itself. The revolution is
to me that either the whole becomes possible for Althusser to
no longer rooted in objective
logic of "supersession" must accept or defend the Russian sup-
necessity (material conditions) but
be rejected, or we must give pression of the Hungarian Revolu-
in ideal contingencies. Philosophical
up any attempt to explain tion of 1956. Theoretically, revolu-
idealism is restored and, with it, the
how the proud and generous tion in Hungary cannot exist in Al-
ruling position of the Communist
Russian people bore Stalin's thusser's system of ideas. Practically,
Parties.
crimes and repression with of course, Althusser simply
One does not have to search far
such resignation; how the transforms it into its opposite, calling
for the practical political significance
Bolshevik Party could toler- revolution counter-revolution and
of these theoretical distortions.
ate them; not to speak of the counter-revolution, revolution. (It is
Concluding his essay on
final question — how a Com- intriguing that Althusser rejects the
"Contradiction and Overdetermina-
munist leader could have dialectical conception of the
tion," Althusser says: ordered them.27 transformation of categories into
How, then, are we to think There you have it. If the revolu- their opposites, which might help to
these survivals? Surely, with a tion takes place in the process of explain the transformation of the
number of realities, which are production and involves, above all Soviet Union, the Communist Party,
precisely realities for else, a transformation (transcendence, or the modern trade union from
Marx, whether superstruc- supersession) of social relations in organs of working class struggle into
tures, ideologies, "national the process of production, and the instruments of oppression or
traditions" or the customs superstructure (state form) is domination over the working class.
and "spirit" of a people, subordinate to that, it becomes Yet he manages to perform the
etc.? Surely with the over- possible to say that Stalin's crimes magical transformation in his own
determination of any contra- reflect a counter-revolution, of tre- undialectical way.)
diction and of any constitutive mendous violence, which eliminated What directly serves to support
element of a society, which the status quo in societies dominated
the Russian working class from any
means: (1) that a revolution in by the Communist Party, indirectly
remnants of control over their
the structure does not ipso supports the status quo in the rest of
society. But if the revolution is
facto modify the existing the world, if not the specific social
defined as taking place in the
superstructures and structure of capitalist society. An
superstructure and is characterized
particularly the ideologies at integral part of Althusser's views is
not by transcendence but by a
one blow (as it would if the his conception of party and
structural break (a favorite expres-
economic was the sole deter- organization. In a discussion of the
sion of Althusser's is "epistemologi-
minant factor), for they have French events of 19GS he wants the
cal break"), then one can ignore the
sufficient of their own con- rebellious youth "to confront, in
historical reality of Russian devel-
sistency to survive beyond precise terms, the problem which at
opments and pretend that socialism
their immediate life context, present torments them: the problem
consists of nationalization (no matter
even to recreate, to "secrete" of the necessity of organization
who controls the nationalized
substitute conditions of ex- (because they sense, and some of
industry) and Soviets (no matter who
istence temporarily; [Please them even know, that no political
controls the Soviets). Stalinism is
note: "temporarily" means action is possible without
57 years and still going then seen as an aberration on a organization).28
fundamentally sound structure in-
strong and a revolution can To begin with, two orders of de-
stead of the process of the counter-
take place which does not ception are involved here. The first is
revolution in which economic base
modify the state (superstruc- the distortion of Lenin on organi-
ture) at one blow.] (2) that the (social relations of production) and zation indicated above.29 The sec-
new society produced by the superstructure (totalitarian state) are ond is the distortion of historical
Revolution may itself ensure reasonably in tune with each other. events. "What happened," in May
the survival, that is, the And, incidentally, a criticism of 1968, says Althusser, "was an his-
reactivation, of older ele- Stalin is simply the form of a torical encounter, and not a fusion.
ments through both the defense of Stalinism. An encounter may occur or not oc-
forms of its new superstruc- These are doctrines which support the cur. It can be a 'brief encounter,'
tures and specific (national bureaucratic status quo. Structure relatively accidental, in which case
and international) "circum- replaces historical development it will not lead to any fusion of
stances." Such a reactivation ("historicism" is one of Althusser's forces. This was the case in May,
would be totally inconceiv- expletives). Social categories no longer where the meeting between
able for a dialectic deprived have any life or development. They are workers/employees on the one hand
of overdetermination. [How ahistorical, eternal. Since the existing social and students and young intellectual

16
workers on the other was a brief which were essentially international geois ideology, etc. Nowhere does
encounter which did not lead, for a to Marx and Lenin), then they indi- he ask the crucial companion ques-
whole series of reasons I will men- cate the need to continue the devel- tion: why was the Communist Party
tion very briefly and very generally, opment of Marxist theory and prac- of France, which, after all, is
to any kind of fusion.”30 Nowhere tice. If Lenin's view in What Is To represented among the workers by
does Althusser mention that a sig- Be Done? (even when not distorted) its own organizations and by control
nificant reason for the limitation of is taken as an eternally fixed of the CGT, one of the major union
this encounter was the positive in- absolute, the past, the present, and federations, left behind by the
tervention of the French Commu- the future become unintelligible. spontaneous actions and ideology of
nist Party to seal off the workers What does one understand about the the workers in May?)
over whom they had some influ- nature of Marx's Communist League? It is possible to give a simple
ence and organizational control Was it simply a mistake? Or was it answer to the question Althusser
from contact with the students. simply pre-history? And what of the asks and the question he does not
But apart from deception there is First International, a very different ask. The Communist Party has be-
the matter of methodology. Althus- type of organization than the Third come a bulwark of the status quo. In
ser views historic encounter in pure- International? If Lenin's vanguard the context of a discussion of
ly structural and party terms. How party is not an eternal verity, does it Althusser's system of ideas, how-
else can he call several weeks of become necessary to discuss new ever, a related and more general
street battles between students and forms of organization in terms of the question needs to be raised. Is a
police, followed by the occupation historical necessities (not accidents) structuralist version of Marxism a
of the factories by virtually the en- that appeared in Hungary in 1956 useful tool in analyzing the role of
tire French working class — a rela- and in France in 1968? the party in the industrial world?
tively accidental brief encounter? It is interesting to contrast Al- Does a dialectical materialism which
He cannot see the objective charac- thusser's method with the method of acknowledges its debt to Hegel
ter of massive historical events. He Marx and Lenin. The Marxian provide a significantly better
can only see them (positively or classics on the state and revolution methodology?
negatively) when formally structured, are Marx on the Commune and Lenin In the confines of a short paper it
which is to say, controlled by on the Soviets. That is to say, Marx is easy to give the impression of
parties and unions. He sees spon- and Lenin started with the dialectical materialism as some al-
taneity as the enemy contained in spontaneous, creative outburst of the ternate, monolithic system. Clearly,
the dialectic, even the spontaneous working class and based their theory with any methodology, individuals
formation of organs of struggle or and the expansion of their theory on can reach varying and contradictory
new state forms (Soviets, workers that. There is no room in Althusser's conclusions, the validity of which
councils). Althusser is all for revolu- philosophy for the historical fact that must be tested in practice. I say this
tion, (1) provided it does not take Paris workers invented the by way of introduction to one
place in the "socialist" countries dialectical analysis of the developing
commune before Marx wrote its
and, (2) provided, in the capitalist role of organization in relation to the
history, and Russian workers
countries, that it is not revolution- working class in capitalist society. I
invented Soviets before Lenin wrote
ary. The role of the French Com- do not intend this example to
State and Revolution.
munist Party in limiting and sup- exclude other possibilities,
In letters to an Italian Commu-
pressing the revolution of 1968 possibilities which I can not treat
nist, Althusser raises an interesting
corresponds perfectly in practice to within these limits.
question in relation to the French
Althusserian philosophy in theory. In 1948 the West Indian Marxist, C.
events of 1968. He asks, "Why have
What Althusserian philosophy L. R. James, did an informal study of
the Communist Parties, who after
makes it impossible to see is the Hegel and Marxism which was later
all are represented among the stu-
dialectical development of working called Notes on Dialectics.32 Its
dents by their own organizations,
class organization and revolutionary purpose was to emphasize the
lost practically all contact with the
struggle. If the difference between continuing relevance of dialectical
student youth, to the extent that
the Paris Commune of 1871, the materialism and its usefulness in
they were left behind by the latter's
Russian Soviets of 1905 and 1917, studying the problems of revolution
spontaneous actions and ideology in
and the Hungarian workers councils and organization. Some extracts will
of 1956 are simply overdetermina- May?"31 indicate something of what is
tions, that is, historical accidents, (Let me note parenthetically: the involved, although these are
then they provide little guide to openness and honesty of this ques- disconnected fragments. James quotes
revolutionary theory. If, tion, which is so attractive to non- Hegel from The Phenomenology of
however, these differences Party radicals, is deceptive. No- Mind:
correspond to stages of where does he attempt an answer, 'In my view — a view
development of capitalism and other than to lecture students on which the developed exposi-
the working class (both of their backwardness, petty bour- tion of the system can alone
17